Anarşizm

I am Avril

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I am Avril. I grew up in the countryside. When I was 9 my uncle raped me. Until now – I haven‘t told anyone about this experience. The Moment when he was laying on his back breathing quietly – this discusting moment I will never forget. Although I didn‘t understand what happened at that moment, I was ashamed for my uncle and me.

I am Avrel. Although I am not mannly like Orhan Veli, I feel myself in a world of nothing where feelings dont matter. This is what I feel when I fight at the front against the patriarchal society of Daesh.

I am Avrel. Because I thought that all men are like my uncle I was not able to sleep or go outside at night.

I am Avrel. I dont want the name my father choose for me anymore. I dont want to remember anymore because I dont think that me and my name are important.

I am Avrel. Because of that I feel a paradox in my heart. On the one hand I am a woman and on the other hand I feel ashamed about it. But now I say – I am a WOMAN.

I am Avrel. While I was in love with cloves and cherry juice, I was naive and in the habit of smelling blood.

I write at the front about these experineces while everyone is trying to satisfy their minimal needs. While in the next moment I will fight again, for you, so the atrocities of Daesh can‘t continue. What I want is to not feel ashamed because we are women and to resist against the hierarchy of male domination.

I am Avrel. In the next moment I will kill my uncle, who is fighing with me and I will do it for all women who get raped.

I am Avrel, because I want to show what the free will of women can create in this world and because I want to see in the future that women get their deserved position in society – for this aim I love to live.

The nature of women and their bodies were repressed since Lilith was underfoot of the patriarchal power. They‘ve burned women with witch hunts, we‘ve always been raped and destroyed.
In the kurdish society women experience learned helplessness.

We meet women, who say, that only men continue their family linage.
We meet women, who think to be a women is to feel shame.
They think that all rapes and all the psychological and physical violence they are exposed to, because of the fact that they are women, is the normality.

Kurdish women believe that either the ugliness of Capitalism or a marriage will fill their lives with more beauty and make it more free.
The women were not concious about their power to break the chains around their necks.

The importance of PKK, YPG, YPJ and the Revolution in Rojova starts exactly at this point. The Revolution in Rojova is evidence for the autonomy of women; for their assertiveness, the fact that women dont need Men to be able to exist and that women can also fight against Capitalism, Sexism and the male dominated patriarchal society.

Of Course Avrel, of course Hypatia from Alexandria, of course Artemis, of course Boudicca, the pioneer of the resistance in Boudicca, of course red Rosa, of course Emma, of course Simone who started the second wave of Feminism, of course Ulrike, of course Mother Teresea who healed 1000 people with her hands, of course the pioneer of the black civil rights movement Rosa and of course Sakine, Beritan, Arin, Zilan and many more Names of women, their resistance never to be mentioned, of course we will follow your footsteps. Of course we will go through the thorny and dark path of freedom. Of course they will shake everytime we exclaim our rebellion.

Avrel: Author of the text
Hypatia von Alexandria: Mathematician, astronomer, Philosopher of the late greek antiquity
Boudicca: Britannian Queen and army leader.
Rosa Luxemburg (rote Rosa): Anti-militarist, marxist, Supporter of the labor movement.
Emma Goldman: Anarchist, Anti-militarist, feminist, Atheist
Simone de Beauvoir: French author, feminist, Philosopher
Ulrike Meinhof: Journalist and author
Mother Teresa: Missionary
Rosa Parks: Black Civil-Rights Activist.

Source: http://www.bahdin.com/?p=944

Ich bin Avrel

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Ich bin Avrel. Ich bin in der Provinz groß geworden. Mit 9 Jahren wurde ich von meinem Onkel vergewaltigt. Bis jetzt habe ich dieses Erlebnis mit niemandem geteilt. Der Moment, wo er auf seinem Rücken liegend beruhigt atmete – diesen ekelhaften Moment. Obwohl ich nicht verstand, was da gerade passierte, musste ich mich für mich und für meinen Onkel schämen.

Ich bin Avrel. Obwohl ich nicht so männlich bin wie Orhan Veli, befinde ich mich in einem Nichts. Gefühle, die nichts bedeuten – das ist das, was ich fühle, wenn ich an der Front kämpfe gegen die patriarchale Gesellschaft der Daesh.

Ich bin Avrel, weil ich dachte, dass alle Männer so sind wie mein Onkel, konnte ich in der Nacht nicht ohne Begleitung rausgehen.

Ich bin Avrel. Ich möchte nicht mehr den Namen haben, den mein Vater für mich ausgesucht hat. Ich möchte mich nicht daran erinnern. Denn ich glaube nicht daran, dass mein Name wichtig ist.

Ich bin Avrel. Deshalb fühle ich das Paradoxe in mir, auf der einen Seite eine Frau zu sein, aber auf der anderen Seite mich ständig für alles schämen zu müssen. Aber jetzt sage ich, dass ich eine FRAU bin.

Ich bin Avrel. Während ich noch vernarrt war in Nelken und Kirschsaft, musste ich mich mit einer Naivität an den Geruch von Blut gewöhnen.

Das alles schreibe ich an der Front, während die Geschütze ruhig sind und alle versuchen sich das Nötigste zu bersorgen. Gleich werde ich weiterkämpfen; für euch, damit der Daesh keine weiteren Grausamkeiten begehen kann. Was ich möchte ist, dass wir uns nicht schämen Frauen zu sein. Leistet Widerstand gegenüber der Hierarchie und der männlichen Herrschaft.

Ich bin Avrel. Gleich werde ich meinen Onkel, der mit mir kämpft, umbringen und das werde ich für alle Frauen machen, die vergewaltigt wurden.

Ich bin Avrel, um zu zeigen, was der freie Wille der Frauen bewirken kann und um eines Tages sehen zu können, wie Frauen als Individuen in einer Gesellschaft ihren verdienten Platz bekommen – dafür liebe ich es zu leben.

Das Wesen der Frau und ihr Körper werden seit Lilith unter den Füßen der patriarchalen Herrschaft unterdrückt. Mit der Hexenjagd wurden sie verbrannt, schon immer wurden sie degradiert, vergewaltigt und letztendlich zerstört.

In der kurdischen Gesellschaft erfahren Frauen die gelernte Hilfslosigkeit.

Wir treffen auf Frauen, die sagen, dass „Männer die Linie der Familie weiterführen“.
Wir treffen auf Frauen, die es als beleidigend empfinden, wenn man sie als Frau bezeichnet.
Sie denken, dass die Vergewaltigungen, die physische und psychische Gewalt, denen sie ausgesetzt sind, weil sie Frauen sind, der Normalität (!) entsprechen.

Kurdische Frauen glauben entweder, dass die Hässlichkeit des Kapitalismus oder eine Heirat sie schöner und freier machen werden.
Die Frauen waren sich nicht bewusst darüber, dass sie die Kraft haben, die ihnen um den Hals angelegte Kette zu durchbrechen.

Die Bedeutung der PKK, YPG, YPJ und der Revolution in Rojava fängt genau an diesem Punkt an: Die Revolution in Rojava ist der Beweis für die Autonomie der Frauen, das Durchsetzungsvermögen der Frauen, die Tatsache, dass Frauen keine Männer brauchen, um existieren zu können, dass Frauen gegen die Machthabenden, den Kapitalismus, den Sexismus und die männlich-patriarchale Herrschaft ankommen können.

Selbstverständlich Avrel, selbstverständlich Hypatia von Alexandria, selbstverständlich Artemis, selbstverständlich Boudicca, die Pionierin für den Widerstand in Boudicca, selbstverständlich die rote Rosa, selbstverständlich Emma, selbstverständlich Simone, die die Zweite Welle des Feminismus begann, selbstverständlich Ulrike, selbstverständlich die Mutter Theresa, die 1000 Menschen mit ihren Händen heilte, selbstverständlich die Pionierin der schwarzen Bürgerrechtsbewegung Rosa und selbstverständlich Sakine, Beritan, Arin, Zilan und viele andere Namen von Frauen, deren Kampf und Leid bis heute nicht erwähnt wurden: selbstverständlich werden wir in euren Fußstapfen treten! Selbstverständlich werden wir – wie ihr – auf dem dornigen und dunklen Weg der Freiheit gehen. Und selbstverständlich werden sie, jedes mal, wenn wir unsere Rebellion ausrufen, zittern vor Angst.

Avrel: Die Autorin des Textes.
Hypatia von Alexandria: Mathematikerin, Astronomin, Philosophin in der griechischen Spätantike.
Boudicca: Britannische Königin und Heerführerin.
Rosa Luxemburg (rote Rosa): Vertreterin der europäischen Arbeiterbewegung, Marxistin, Antimilitaristin, Theoretikerin
Emma Goldman: US-amerikanische Anarchistin, Friedensaktivistin, Antimilitaristin, feministische Theoretikerin, Atheistin.
Simone de Beauvoir: Französische Schriftstellerin, Feministin, Philosophin
Ulrike Meinhof: Journalistin und Publizistin
Mutter Theresa: Ordensschwester und Missionarin
Rosa Parks: US-amerikanische Bürgerrechtlerin

Quelle: http://www.bahdin.com/?p=944

Proudhon in Kobane „The Philosophy of Poverty.“

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From Chiapas to Rojava – more than just coincidences

Autonomy brings together two revolutions on the left and from below

“Power to the people‘ can only
be put into practice when the power exercised by social elites is
dissolved into the people.”

―Murray Bookchin

The largely unknown until recently Kurdish city of Kobane managed to attract the attention of the world with its fierce resistance[i] against the invasion of the Islamic State and became an international symbol, compared to the defence of Madrid and Stalingrad. The bravery and heroism of the People’s Defence Units and the Women’s Defence Units (YPG and YPJ) were praised by a large spectrum of groups and individuals – anarchists, leftist, liberals and even right-wingers expressed sympathy and admiration for the men and women of Kobane in their historical battle against what was often seen as IS “fascism”. The mainstream media was forced to break the silence over the Kurdish autonomy and soon numerous articles and news stories were broadcasted and published, often depicting the “toughness” and determination of the Kurdish fighters with a certain dose of exotisation, of course. However, this attention was very often selective and partial – the very essence of the political project in Rojava (Western Kurdistan) was left aside and the media preferred to present the resistance in Kobane as some weird exception to the supposed barbarism of the Middle East. Without surprise, the red star, shining on the victorious flags of the YPG/J was not a pleasing image in the eyes of the Western powers and their media. The autonomous cantons of Rojava represent a home-grown solution to the conflicts in the Middle East, encompassing grassroots democracy, ethnic, social and gender rights and all this in rejection both of IS terror but also of liberal democracy and capitalist economy . Although the West preferred to stay silent on this issue, this ideological foundation is the key for understanding the spirit that wrote the Kobane epopee and fascinated the world, as the Kurdish activist and academic, Dilar Dirik, claimed recently[ii].

As the battles for every street and corner of the city were intensifying, Kobane managed to captivate the imagination of the left and specifically of the libertarian left as a symbol of resistance and struggle and soon it was placed on the pantheon of some of the most emblematic battles for humanity, such as the defence of Madrid against the fascists in the 1930s. It was not by accident that the Turkish Marxist-Leninist group MLKP, which joined the YPG/J in/on the battlefield, raised the flag of the Spanish republic over the ruins of the city in the day of its liberation and called for the formation of International Brigades[iii], following the example of the Spanish revolution. It was not the battle for Kobane itself, but the libertarian essence of the cantons of Rojava, the implementation of grassroots direct democracy, the participation of women and different ethnic groups into the autonomous government that gave ground to the comparisons with the Spanish revolution. Another association was mentioned briefly in several articles – the revolution in Rojava and its autonomous government were compared to the Zapatistas and their autonomy in the south of Mexico. The importance of this comparison might be crucial in order to understand the paradigm of the revolutionary struggle in Kurdistan and what it means for those who believe another world is possible.

The Zapatista movement is probably one of the most symbolic and influential elements of the revolutionary imaginary in the world after the fall of the state-socialist regimes in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In the morning of January 1, 1994, an unknown guerrilla force, composed of indigenous Mayas, took over the main towns of the southern-most Mexican state – Chiapas. The military operation was carried out with strategic brilliance and combined with the innovative back then use of the internet to spread the message of the revolutionaries, it echoed around the globe to inspire international solidarity and the emergence of the Alter-Globalisation movement. The Zapatistas rebelled against neoliberal capitalism and the social and cultural genocide of the indigenous population in Mexico. Ya Basta, Enough is enough, was their war cry that emerged from the night of “500 years of oppression”, as the First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle stated. The Zapatistas rose up in arms when global capital was celebrating the “end of history” and the idea of social revolution seemed to be a romantic anachronism that belonged to the past. The Zapatista Army for National Liberation was forced out of the cities in twelve days of intense battles with the federal army but it turned out that the deep horizontal organisation in the indigenous communities could not be eradicated by any military intervention or terror. The masked spokesperson of the rebel army, Subcomandante Marcos, challenged the notion of historical vanguard as opposed to revolution from below, which does not aim to take power but to abolish it and this concept became central to the most mass anti-capitalist movements since – from Seattle and Genoa to the Syntagma and Puerta del Sol occupations and even the Occupy Movement.

Where are the similarities with the Rojavan revolution?

From Marxism-Leninism to Autonomy – a shared historical trajectory

The roots of the democratic autonomy in Rojava can be understood only through the history of the Workers’ Party of Kurdistan (PKK), the organisation, which has been central to the Kurdish liberation movement since its creation in 1978. The PKK was established as a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla organisation in Northern Kurdistan, part of the Turkish state, combining the ideologies of national and social liberation. It grew to a substantial guerrilla force under the leadership of Abdullah Ocalan and managed to challenge the second biggest army in NATO in a conflict that claimed the lives of more than forty thousand people. The Turkish state displaced hundreds of thousands and reportedly used torture, assassination and rape against the civilian population but did not manage to break the backbone of the Kurdish resistance. Since its inception, PKK has expanded its influence both in Turkey and in the other parts of Kurdistan. The leading political force in the Rojavan revolution – the Democratic Union Party (PYD) is affiliated with it through the Kurdistan Communities’ Union, KCK, the umbrella organisation that encompasses various revolutionary and political groups sharing the ideas of the PKK. The ideology, which unites the different civil and revolutionary groups in the KCK is called democratic confederalism and is based on the ideas of the US anarchist Murray Bookchin, who argued in favour of a non-hierarchal society based on social-ecology, libertarian municipalism and direct democracy.

Although the Zapatistas are famous for their autonomous government and rejection of the notion of historical vanguard, the roots of the organisation were also related to Marxism-Leninism and just like in the case of the PKK, the idea of self-governance and revolution from below were a product of a long historical evolution. The EZLN was founded in 1983 by a group of urban guerrillas, predominantly Marxist-Leninists, who decided to start a revolutionary cell among the indigenous population in Chiapas, organise a guerrilla force and take power through guerrilla warfare. Soon they realised that their ideological dogma was not applicable to the indigenous realities and started learning from the communal traditions of governance of the indigenous people. Thus, Zapatismo was born as a fusion between Marxism and the experience and knowledge of the native population that has been resisting both against the Spanish and later the Mexican state.

This shared ideological trajectory demonstrates a historical turn in the understanding of revolutionary process. The Zapatista uprising and establishment of the autonomy in Chiapas marked a break with traditional guerrilla strategies, inspired predominantly by the Cuban revolution, this was made more than clear in the letter EZLN spokesman, Subcomandante Marcos wrote to the Basque liberation organisation ETA:

“I shit on all revolutionary vanguards on this planet.[iv]”

It was not the vanguard to lead the people now; it was the people themselves to build the revolution from below and sustain it as such. This is the logic PKK has been shifting towards in the last decade under the influence of Murray Bookchin and this shift demonstrates an evolution of the organisation from movement for the people to a movement of the people.

Cantons and Caracoles – freedom here and now

Probably the most important similarity between the revolution in Rojava and the one in Chiapas is the social and political reorganisation that is taking place in both places that is based on the libertarian ideology of the two organisations.

The Zapatista autonomy in its current form originates from the failure of the peace negotiations with the Mexican government after the uprising in 1994. During the peace negotiations the rebels demanded the government to adhere to the accords of San Andres, which give the indigenous people the right to autonomy, self-determination, education, justice and political organisation, based on their tradition as well as communal control over the land and the resources of the areas that belong to them. These accords were never implemented by the government and in 2001 president Fox backed an edited version that was voted for in congress but did not meet the demands of the Zapatistas and the other groups in resistance. This event was labelled as “treason” and it provoked the EZLN to declare two years later the creation of the five rebel zones, centred in five Caracoles (or snails in English) that serve as administrative centres. The name Caracoles came to show the revolutionary concept of the Zapatistas – we are doing it ourselves, we learn in the process and we advance, slowly, but we advance. The Caracoles[v] include three levels of autonomous government – community, municipality and Council of the Good Government. The first two are based on grassroots assemblies whereas the Councils of the Good Government are elected but with the intention to get as many people as possible to participate in the Government over the years through a principle of rotation. The autonomy has its own educational system, healthcare and justice, as well as cooperatives, producing coffee, cattle, handcrafts etc.

We learn as we make things, we did not know about autonomy and that we were going to build something like it. But we learn and improve things and learn from the struggle – told me my Zapatista guardian Armando, when I visited the autonomous territory at the end of 2013. Freedom could only be practiced here and now and revolution was a process of constantly challenging the status-quo and building alternatives to it.

The Rojavan cantons indeed resemble the autonomy in Chiapas. They were proclaimed by the dominant PYD in 2013 and function through the established popular assemblies and democratic councils. Women participate equally in the decision-making and are represented in all elected positions, which are always shared by a man and a woman. All ethnic groups are represented in the government and its institutions. Healthcare and education are also guaranteed by the system of democratic confederalism and recently the first Rojavan university, the Masepotamia Academy, opened it’s doors with plans to challenge the hierarchical structure of education, and to provide a different approach to learning.

Just as it is in the case with the Zapatistas, the Revolution in Rojava envisions itself as a solution to the problems in the whole country, not as an expression of separatist tendencies. This genuine democratic system, as claimed by the delegation of academics from Europe and North America[vi], that visited Rojava recently, points to a different future of the Middle East, based on direct participation, women’s emancipation and ethnic peace.

Women’s revolution

Gender has always been central to the Zapatista revolution. The situation of women before the spread of the organization and the adoption of women’s liberation as central to the struggle, was marked by exploitation, marginalization, forced marriages, physical violence and discrimination. This is why Marcos claims that the first uprising was not the one in 1994 but the adoption of the Womens’ Revolutionary Law in 1993, setting the framework for gender equality and justice and guaranteeing the rights of the women in the rebel territory to personal autonomy, emancipation and dignity. Today women participate in all levels of government and have their own cooperatives and economic structures to guarantee their economic independence. Women were and still form a large part of the ranks of the Zapatista guerilla force and take high positions in its commandment. The takeover of San Cristobal de las Casas, the most important city the Zapatista troops captured during the uprising in 1994, was also commanded by women, headed by comandanta Ramona, who was also the first Zapatista to be sent to Mexico city to represent the movement.

It is not difficult to compare the mass involvement of indigenous women in Chiapas in the Zapatista ranks to the participation of women in the defense of Kobane and in the YPJ – the Women’s Protection Units, both depicted in a sensationalist manner[vii] by the Western media in the last months. However, their bravery and determination in the war against ISIS is a product of a long tradition of women participation in the armed struggle for social liberation in Kurdistan. Women have played a central role in the PKK and this is undoubtedly connected with the importance of gender in the Kurdish struggle. The Rojava revolution has a strong emphasis on women’s liberation as indispensable for the true liberation of society. The theoretical framework that puts the dismantling of patriarchy at the heart of the struggle is called “jineology”, a concept developed by Abdullah Ocalan. The application of this concept has resulted in an unseen empowerment of women not only in the context of the Middle East but also in the context of western liberal feminism. The women’s assemblies, cooperative structures and women’s militias are the heart of the revolution, which is considered incomplete if it does not destroy the patriarchal structure of society, which is one of the fundamentals of capitalism. Janet Biehl, an independent writer and artist, wrote after her recent visit to Rojava that women in the Kurdish revolution have the ideological role of the proletariat in the XXth century revolutions.

The ecology of freedom

The Ecology of Freedom is probably the most important among Bookchin’s works and his concept of social ecology has been adopted by the revolutionaries in Rojava. His idea that “the very notion of the domination of nature by man stems from the very real domination of human by human” links patriarchy, environmental destruction and capitalism and points at their abolition as the only way to a just society. Such a holistic approach has been advocated and implemented by the Zapatistas as well. Sustainability has also been an important point of emphasis, especially after the creation of the caracoles in 2003. The autonomous government has been trying to recuperate ancestral knowledge, related to the sustainable use of the land and combine it with other agro-ecological practices. This logic is not only a matter of improving the living conditions in the communities and avoiding the use of agrochemicals, it is a rejection of the whole notion that large-scale industrial agriculture is superior to the ‘primitive’ way the indigenous people work the land and as such it is a powerful defiance of the logic of neoliberalism.

The road to Autonomy – the new revolutionary paradigm

The similarities between the system of democratic confederalism that is being developed in Western Kurdistan and the Autonomy in Chiapas go far beyond the few points I have stressed in this article. From slogans such as Ya Basta, adapted in Kurdish as êdî bes e to the grassroots democracy, communal economic structures and participation of women, the similar path the Kurdish movement and the Zapatistas have taken demonstrates a decisive break with the vanguardist notion of Marxism-Leninism and a new approach to revolution, which comes from below and aims at the creation of a free and non-hierarchal society.

Although both movements have received some bitter criticism[viii] from sectarian elements on the left, the very fact that the only major and successful experiments in radical social change originate from non-western, marginalised and colonised groups, comes as a slap in the face to the white and privileged dogmatic “revolutionaries” of the global north who have hardly been successful on challenging oppression in their own countries but tend to believe it is their judgement what is and what is not a real revolution.

The revolutions in Rojava and Chiapas are a powerful example for the world, demonstrating the enormous capacity of grassroots organisation and the importance of communal links as opposed to capitalist social atomisation. Last but not least, Chiapas and Rojava should make many on the left, including some anarchists, trash their colonial mindset and ideological dogmatism.

A world without hierarchy, domination, capitalism and environmental destruction or as the Zapatistas say, the world where many worlds fit, has often been depicted as “utopian” and “unrealistic” by the mainstream media, education and political structures. However, this world is not some future mirage that comes from the books – it is happening here and now and the examples of Zapatistas and Kurds are a powerful weapon to reignite our capacity to imagine a real radical change in society as well as a model we can learn from in our struggles. The red stars that shine over Chiapas and Rojava shed light on the way to liberation and if we need to summarize in one word what brings these two struggles together, it would definitely be Autonomy.

[i] Dicle, Amed (2015) Kobane Victory, How it Unfolded. URL: http://kurdishquestion.com/index.php/insight-research/analysis/kobane-victory-how-it-unfolded.html

[ii] Dirik, Dilar (2015) Whi Kobane Did Not Fall. URL: http://kurdishquestion.com/index.php/kurdistan/west-kurdistan/why-kobani-did-not-fall.html

[iii] International Brigades Form in Rojava (2014) URL: http://beforeitsnews.com/alternative/2015/01/international-brigades-form-in-rojava-no-pasaran-video-3100250.html

[iv] Marcos (2003) I Shit on All Revolutionary Vanguards on This Planet. URL: http://roarmag.org/2011/02/i-shit-on-all-the-revolutionary-vanguards-of-this-planet/

[v] Oikonomakis, Leonidas (2013) Zapatistas Celebrate 10 Years of Autonomy With Escuelita. http://roarmag.org/2013/08/escuelita-zapatista-10-year-autonomy/

[vi] Joint Statement of the Academic Delagation to Rojava. URL: https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/joint-statement-of-the-academic-delegation-to-rojava/

[vii] Dirik, Dilar (2014) Western Fascination With “Badass” Kurdish Women. URL: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/10/western-fascination-with-badas-2014102112410527736.html

[viii] Anarchist Federation Statement on Rojava (2014) URL: http://www.afed.org.uk/blog/international/435-anarchist-federation-statement-on-rojava-december-2014.html

Kurdish Question

Anarchists vs. ISIS: The Revolution in Syria Nobody’s Talking About

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The Middle East today is the last place anyone in mainstream western thought would think to look for progressive political thought, and even less to see those thoughts translated into action. Our image of the region is one of dictatorships, military juntas and theocracies built on the ruins of the former Ottoman Empire, or hollow states like Afghanistan, and increasingly Pakistan, where anything outside the capitol is like Mad Max. The idea of part of the region being not just free, but well on its way to utopian, isn‘t one that you‘re going to find on mainstream media.

But you‘re not on the mainstream media right now, are you?

Along Syria’s borders with Turkey and Northern Iraq, lies a mainly Kurdish area with a population of 4.6 million where a huge social experiment is taking place at the centre of a crossfire between Syria’s dictatorship, ISIS’s collective insanity and Turkey’s ongoing hostility towards the idea of Kurdish autonomy, with the US and NATO looming large in the background. The Democratic Union Party (PYD) and Kurdish National Council (KNC) established in the region of Rojava a society that mixes fierce libertarianism (guns are everywhere and there are no taxes – none) and Occupy-friendly anarchist thought with a healthy dose of feminism. While most Kurdish groups, especially those the US is friendly with, would some day like to establish a Kurdish state, in Rojava they have leap-frogged over the idea of the nation state into a more advanced system that they call Democratic Confederalism.

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In the cantons of Rojava, there is a small central government with an absolute minimum of 40% female delegates, but most of the day-to-day work of running society happens at a local level, street by street and village by village. Democratic Confederalism’s chief architect, Abdullah Ocalan, says that “Ecology and feminism are central pillars” of the system he has spearheaded, something that you would have to go very far to the margins to hear from Western politicians. In Rojava, men who beat their wives face total ostracism from the community, making their lives in a highly social, connected society virtually impossible. Instead of a police force and jails, ‚peace committees‘ in each municipality work to defuse the cycles of inter-family revenge killings by consensual agreements between both sides – and it works.

The only part of Rojava’s experiment that has received any international attention has been the YPJ, the female-only paramilitary forces that have been fighting, and winning, against ISIS and the Syrian Army. NBC, the Guardian and even Marie Claire have all covered the YPJ’s bravery without even paying lip service to the ideology that makes it possible.

It was the YPJ, along with their male counterparts the YPG, that rescued the thousands of Yazidis stranded and encircled by ISIS on Mount Sinjar in northern Iraq. The Yazidi community had the misfortune to be based almost entirely inside the area that ISIS has claimed – and they have been a hated minority in the Islamic world for a thousand years, accused of ‚devil worship‘. While the US dropped supplies from above, the Syrian fighting groups broke ISIS’s lines and saved tens of thousands of lives. They also successfully defended the city of Kobani when ISIS launched an all-out assault on the city of forty-five thousand with tanks, missiles and even drones. Despite heavy losses, the city remains ISIS-free, though its surrounding villages are still contested.

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The YPJ/G and the the Democratic Society Movement that they fight for aren‘t perfect: they have been accused of using child soldiers (girls as young as twelve serve as cooks and cleaners for the YPJ and undergo some basic combat training, though they aren‘t deployed in combat) and they are forever tainted by their association with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), led by Abdullah Ocalan and classified as a terrorist organization by most nations. The formerly Marxist-Leninist party also has some murky connections to the drug trade and Turkish intelligence.

Despite all the obstacles facing them, the people of Rojava are, right now, the only large-scale movement on the entire planet implementing a real, working alternative to the state and capitalism. Like the Spanish anarchist federations and the Mexican Zapatistas before them, the people of Rojava have chosen to do the impossible: to create a new society while fighting as one of the smallest forces in a regional war, a tight-rope walk through a dodge-ball court. Only time will tell if they can pull it off.

CVLT

Anarchistische Kollektiv Kurdistan

BAHDIN

Kobanê

FRAGE / QUESTION / SORU

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English

“We are growing old among men and women without dreams, strangers in a present time which leaves us no room for outbursts of generosity. The best this society can offer us (a career, a reputation, a sudden, big win, ‘love’) simply doesn’t interest us. Giving orders disgusts us just as much as obedience. What we are and what we want begins with a no. We are exploited like everyone else and want to put an end to exploitation right away. For us, revolt needs no other justification. Our life is escaping us, and any class discourse that fails to start from this is simply a lie. Revolt needs everything—papers and books, arms and explosives, reflection and blasphemy, poisons, daggers and arsons. The only interesting question is how to combine them.”

Türkçe

“Cömertliğin fışkırabileceğiı hiçbir alanı boş bırakmayan yabancıların, hayalleri olmayan kadın ve erkeklerin arasında yaşlanıp gitmekteyiz. Bu toplumun bize verebilceği en iyi şey (kariyer, itibar, beklenmedik, büyük bir kazanç, ‚‘aşk'‘) bizi gerçekten ilgilendirmiyor. Emir vermek, itaat etmek kadar iğrenç geliyor bize. Ne olduğumuz ve ne istediğimiz bir ‚‘hayır'‘la başlıyor. Bizler bir çokları gibi ezilenleriz ve bu sömürü düzenine derhal son vermek istiyoruz. Bize göre, isyanın başka bir gerekçeye ihtiyacı yok. Hayatımız elimizden kaçıyor ve açık ki sınıflar hakkında olup da bunu kendine kalkış noktası olarak almayan her söz, basitçe bir yalan. Ve isyan her şeye muhtaç-gazetelere ve kitaplara, silahlara ve patlayıcılara, tefekküre ve küfre, zehre ve hançere ve kundaklamaya. Tek önemli soru: bunları nasıl birleştireceğiz?”

Propaganda Yayınları Google Books‘ta

Propaganda Yayınları kıtaplarına bundan böyle, Google Books/Google Kitaplar ile de erismek mumkun olacak..

- Vicdani Ret Aciklamaları Almanagi
- Kara Dergisi Seçkisi
- Efendisiz Dergisi Seçkisi
- Ateş Hırsızı Dergisi Seçkisi
- Türkiye‘de ve Dünyada Vicdani Ret
- Yayın Kolektifi Seçkisi
- Amargi Dergisi Seçkisi
- APolitika Dergisi Seçkisi
- Türkiye‘de Ordu ve İnsan Hakları İhlalleri
- Ateizmi Anlamak

Boylelikle, iTunes, Barnes&Noble ve Kobo gibi belli basli e-kitap dagiticilarinin yaninda, artik Google Books‘ta da bize ulasabileceksiniz. Ayrıca, yakında kitaplarımız Google Play‘de yer alacak.

Kitaplarimiz, hala ve inadina, ucretsiz. Yayinevimize katkida bulunmak isterseniz, bize her zaman websitemiz üzerinden paypal ve kredi kartıyla bağış yapabilirsiniz:

http://propagandayayinlari.net

Griechenland: Anarchisten Dimitris Politis und Yannis Michailidis verhaftet

Laut eines Reports auf Indymedia Athen, wurden die GenossInnen Yannis Michailidis und Dimitris Politis zusammen mit zwei weiteren Personen von der Polizei verhaftet.

Gegen beide GenossInnen wurden Haftbefehle wegen vermeintlicher Beteiligung in der anarchistischen revolutionären Organisation „Verschwörung der Feuerzellen“ ausgestellt.

Die Verhaftungen fanden Montagmorgen am 1. Februar 2013 statt und jetzt versuchen die Bullen die Verhafteten mit den zwei bewaffneten Banküberfällen im weiteren Umkreis Kozanis (Nordgriechenland) in Verbindung zu bringen.

Alle vier Geiseln wurden von den Bullen schwer verprügelt. In einem Video der Massenmedien aus dem Gerichtsgebäude in Kozani, rufen GenossInnen:

„Lang lebe die Anarchie! Lang lebe die Anarchie, ihr Drecksäcke!“

„Lang lebe die Anarchie! Bullen, Richter, Politiker, ihr habt keinen Grund, ruhig zu schlafen. Wir haben eine Schlacht aber nicht den Krieg verloren! – Verpisst euch!“

Den GenossInnen, die vom Staat gekidnappt wurden viel Kraft!

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