Archiv für August 2015

Turkey’s Racism Problem / Uzay Bulut

*The U.S. Department of State needs to analyze the Kurdish issue more closely and carefully. When they do, they will see that the problem should not be called „the Kurdish Issue;“ it would be more just to call it „the Turkish Racism Problem.“

*Kurds in Turkey have always been brutally oppressed, even when there was no organization called the PKK.

*Kurds are not the ones who started the war in Kurdistan. Kurdish leaders have openly and frequently made it clear that despite all of the state terror, mass murders and oppression they have been exposed to, they wish to live in peace with their Turkish, Arab and Persian neighbors. There is a war imposed on Kurds.

Turkey’s authorities keep saying that the Turkish „security“ forces do what they do — arrest or kill Kurds — only when Kurds carry out „terrorist“ activities, or only when the Kurdistan Workers‘ Party (PKK) attacks targets in Turkey. Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth. Turkey’s attacks against Kurds have always been intense, even when the PKK declared unilateral ceasefires.

Regarding 2014, when there were no clashes between the Turkish military and the PKK, Faysal Sariyildiz, a Kurdish MP for the Peoples‘ Democratic Party (HDP), said, „During the last year, regarding the Kurdish issue, 3,490 people have been taken into custody, 880 people have been arrested and 25 people have been killed with police bullets.“

„These attacks,“ said Mark Toner, spokesman for the U.S. Department of State, „are only exacerbating the continuation and the cycle of violence here. We want to see these attacks cease. We want to see the PKK renounce violence and re-engage in talks with the government of Turkey.“

What Mr. Toner fails to understand — although of course both sides should renounce violence and try to resolve the issue through dialogue, without bloodshed — is that the cycle of violence intensified only after the Turkish military started a recent all-out assault on Qandil in Iraqi Kurdistan.

What the AKP government refers to as „the resolution process“ started in 2012, when talks were allegedly held between the Turkey’s National Intelligence Organization (MIT) and the leader of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, who has been imprisoned in Turkey since 1999.

But since then, in terms of liberties and rights, what has changed for Kurds?

Before that, about eight or nine talks between the PKK and the MIT were held in Oslo, Norway between 2008 to 2011, a PKK authority said. During the talks, the PKK — through the protocols Ocalan prepared — demanded a constitutional resolution, peace, and the establishment of a „Commission on Investigation of Truth“ that would investigate murders committed in the past. „But in June 2011, after the elections, the government saw itself as powerful again, so it stopped participating in the talks and stopped taking them seriously,“ the PKK authority said.

Again, during this process, no legal step was taken for recognition of Kurdish national rights.

Just this May, Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan said in a public speech:

They [the HDP party] say that „When we come to power, we will abolish the Diyanet [Presidency of Religious Affairs].“ Why? Because they have nothing to do with religion. They go as far as saying that Jerusalem belongs to Jews; they [the PKK] give education on Zoroastrianism at the camps on the mountains.[1]

The TRT [state-run Turkish Radio and Television Corporation] has a Kurdish TV channel. There are Kurdish language courses at universities. Our country does not have a Kurdish issue any more. But our Kurdish citizens have some issues. Those who want to make the resolution process all about the Kurdish issue are on about something else. They say ‚We are the representatives of the Kurds.‘ No way! If you really are their representatives, clear up the dirt in the sidestreets.“

Is this the language that someone who genuinely aims to achieve peace and provide democracy would use? First of all, Erdogan and his AKP party do not see the Kurdish issue as an ethnic or national problem. They seem to think that a Kurdish TV channel and a few courses at universities should be enough to resolve the issue. This shows that the root of the problem is not the Kurds‘ demands or violence. The root of the problem is traditional Turkish supremacism. The Turkish government evidently expects the indigenous Kurds to settle for whatever crumbs the government offers.

It is this supremacist mentality of Turkey that started and inflamed this problem, and created countless grievances in Kurdistan. The Turkish state wants to be the one to name the issue; to start and end it; to choose the way to resolve it or make it go on forever; to determine how Kurds will live and die; what Kurds can want and when they should stop; what language they can speak, and where and when.

Then, when Kurds resist, and say they want to be free and have a say in their own affairs in Kurdistan, Turkey dismisses them or blames them for being „terrorists“ or „traitors.“

The Kurdish PKK is an armed organization; and just like all armed organizations or groups, it uses violence as a tactic. But it does not aim to destroy Turkey or the Turkish people. It has declared several times that it is open to dialogue, negotiation and peaceful coexistence.

The Turkish government could also embrace a similar purpose: peace based on political equality and mutual respect. Turkey could abandon its destructive militaristic ways and start an open, transparent, genuine peace process that does not aim to destroy and annihilate Kurds and their militia. Killings will only bring more killings and more hatred. It is high time that Turkey stopped attacking Kurds and used the only method it has not used in its history: respecting the indigenous peoples of Anatolia and Mesopotamia.

Turkish state authorities seem to wish to make Kurds surrender without gaining any national rights or political status, and they call this „a peace process.“ That is not an oversimplification: The AKP has ruled Turkey since 2002 but has done nothing to recognize Kurdish self-rule. All the AKP did was to provide a few small changes, such as permitting a Kurdish TV channel, TRT-6. But even those are not legal reforms. Turkey is still ruled with the same constitution that the Turkish military drafted after the 1980 coup d‘état.

In this fight, Kurds are the „rape victims.“ On their own ancestral lands, they have no national rights and no political status, and they do not even have the right to be fully educated in Kurdish. They are randomly murdered and arrested. Apparently, their lives have no value in the eyes of the Turkish state.

Turkey has a huge national problem because it does not see Kurds as an equal nation. This is how many Turks see the conflict:

• Turks are to have their own state — a supreme one that has power over international politics — but Kurds are not to have even autonomy.

• Turkish is to be a rich and respected language worldwide, but Kurds are not to have a single school where they can be educated fully in Kurdish.

• Turks are to have a powerful army; Kurds are to disarm their militia and are to just serve in the great army of Turks.

But even integration in the military does not seem to work. Many soldiers of Kurdish origin serving in the Turkish army reportedly commit „suicide“ or are killed in „accidents.“ In 2012, for instance, out of the 42 soldiers who were officially reported to have killed themselves, 39 were Kurdish and one was Armenian, according to the lawyer Mazlum Orak.

The founders of the Turkish state also promoted Turkish nationalism to the full extent, while denying the very existence of Kurds in Turkey. They fully enforced a ban on Kurdish language, culture and geographical place names. They called Kurds „mountain Turks“ and did not allow Kurds to establish legal political parties until the 1990s. Even after that, seven legal pro-Kurdish political parties were closed down by the Turkish constitutional court over 20 years. Scores of Kurdish villages were burned down by the Turkish army, and tens of thousands of Kurds were tortured or murdered wholesale.

Kurds in Turkey have therefore always been brutally oppressed even when there was no organization called the PKK.

Turkish sociologist Ismail Besikci, who was spent 17 years in prison for his writings on Kurds and Kurdistan, compared Turkey to South Africa. He concluded that Turkey’s mentality „is much more racist“ than South Africa’s:

„What happened in South Africa in 1960s was that the white administration told the others: ‚You are black; you will live separately from us. You will have separate neighborhoods, schools, hotels, and entertainment places. You will live outside of places where the white live; do not mix with whites.‘ And for that, they formed very large areas that were surrounded with wires. Those places had very limited infrastructure. The sewer system did not work; there were frequent electric power outages and water cuts. The schooling and health conditions were very insufficient. But the natives experienced their own identity. They lived the way they were. But Turkey tells Kurds: ‚You will live with us but you will look like us. You will forget your identity. You will live with Turks but will look like Turks.‘ I am trying to say that this mentality is much more racist than the administration in South Africa.“

Besikci noted that in the 1990s, Nelson Mandela was released from prison and was elected as the president of South Africa: „The president of the white administration that released Mandela from prison became the vice president of Mandela in the elections. South Africa is called the most racist state of the world but such a change happened there. This shows the official ideology there was flexible; it was not so strict.“

Kurds are not the ones who started the war in Kurdistan. Kurdish leaders have openly and frequently made it clear that despite all of the state terror, mass murders and oppression they have been exposed to, they wish to live in peace with their Turkish, Arab and Persian neighbors. There is a war imposed on Kurds. And its results have been disastrous for Kurdistan.

The U.S. Department of State really needs to analyze the Kurdish issue more closely and carefully. When they do, they will see that the problem should actually not be called „the Kurdish Issue;“ it would be more just to call it, „the Turkish Racism Problem.“

Uzay Bulut, born and raised a Muslim, is a Turkish journalist based in Ankara.

[1] Selahattin Demirtas, co-President of the HDP, had said in a public statement, „Religions have their centers. Muslims go to Kaaba in Mecca; Jews go to Jerusalem.“

Gatestone Institute

ISIS Emir captured by YPG: Turkey satisfies all of our needs

ISIS Emir Yasin Ebdileziz Egumi was captured by YPG forces during the ISIS attack on Kobanê on June 25, and said that all critically injured gang members received treatment in Turkey, which gives logistic support to ISIS.

The Turkish state gives economic as well as military and political support to ISIS. ISIS gangs fighting against Kurds in Rojava (West Kurdistan) receive the biggest external support from Turkey, which continues to fail convincing the world that it is fighting against ISIS since its collaboration with the gangs became exposed. ISIS Emir Yasin Ebdileziz Egumi was captured by YPG forces during the ISIS attack on Kobanê on June 25, and confessed to Turkey’s military and logistic support to ISIS by saying that the group that carried out the June 25 massacre entered Kobanê from Turkey. ISIS Emir Egumi spoke to ANF, and you can find the English version of this interview translated by ANF English service below.

Can you introduce yourself? What was your position within ISIS?

I am Yasin Ebdıleziz Egumi and I am Moroccan. Recently, I was the assistant of Ebu Bettar El Mısri; the ISIS Emir in Kobanê.

Where and how was your massacre in Kobanê planned out?

We were informed one night before the attack, we were summoned to Tabqa. We had been told that we were going to attack Hesekê, but Ebu Bettar El Mısri told us in Tabqa that we were actually attacking Kobanê. El Mısri used a projector to explain us the plan and tactics of the attack.

How was it planned and implemented?

We were 82 people in total, and we formed 6 groups of 12 people each. Ebu Bettar El Mısri was among the attackers, and the first group held the checkpoint to the south of Kobanê as we had planned. The second group, led by El Mısri, attacked Mürşitpınar Border Gate with an explosive vehicle, the goal here was to hold the gate after the explosion. The third group held the road to Tel Ebyad to the east, and the fourth group attacked Miştenur Hill in order to conquer it. The fifth and sixth groups entered the town and spread around to the locations we had identified earlier. Reinforcements came from Sirîn and Cerablus to help us, and a smaller group with ammunition entered Kaniya Kurda region from Turkey.

What was the goal of this plan?

Our goal was to conquer the city and block the roads in order to prevent civilians from escaping. The prevention of civilians’ escape would also prevent the planes from intervening, but our plans failed and we were confronted. At this point, we spread around across the town and killed everyone we saw without distinguishing civilians from soldiers.

What was the reason for your attack on civilians as opposed to military forces?

In the verses from our trainings, it said “behead infidels when you see them,” and the murder of civilians that support YPG is halal because they are infidels for us. We attacked civilians in order to take revenge from them for their collaboration with infidels in Kobanê.

Do you know which countries send aid to ISIS?

Aid usually came from Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Saudi Arabia sent materials such as clothes and blankets, all food and other livelihood needs were satisfied by Turkey.

To which countries does ISIS sell oil?

We sold oil to Turkey, I know this but I am not sure how exactly the oil was sold and transported to Turkey. I also know that Turkey sent logistic support in exchange for oil.

Where does ISIS treat injured people?

Those who are critically injured are taken to Turkey, some of my friends got treated in İstanbul. We were sending those who were lightly injured to Mosul for their treatment.



Jihadist captured alive tells how he joined ISIS from Turkey

ISIS fighter Mahmut Gazitatar who joined the jihadist organization from Adıyaman province of North Kurdistan, told that ISIS recruited members at the camps hosting Syrian refugees located between Adıyaman and Urfa.

ISIS fighter Mahmut Gazitatar who joined the jihadist organization from Adıyaman province of North Kurdistan, told that ISIS recruited members at the camps hosting Syrian refugees located between Adıyaman and Urfa.

The ISIS member from Adıyaman told that he had been fighting YPG/YPJ in the ranks of the Constantine Brigade made up of Turkish forces in Girê Spî, and called on the youths of Adıyaman not to let themselves be deceived.

As the Turkish state continues providing to support to ISIS gangs in Rojava and Syria, Adıyaman province in the Kurdish region of Turkey serves as one of the locations where ISIS can get organized freely.

Mahmut Gazitatar who crossed into Syria and joined ISIS after completing his training in one of the camps in Adıyaman, was captured alive in the operation of YPG/YPJ fighters to liberate Girê Spî.

Gazitatar spoke to ANF about his process from Adıyaman to Syria, the ISIS training camp in Adıyaman and the “Constantine Brigade” made up of Turks.

Could you shortly introduce yourself?

My name is Mahmut Gazitatar. I was born in Adıyaman, I am 24 years old. Before joining the ISIS, I had been visiting the 2nd class of the Building-Insulation Department of Adıyaman University.

Could you tell us about your process of joining the ISIS gangs?

In order to earn some money to meet my school needs, I started working for the Yaşar Sofra Catering Company which belongs to my uncle and provides food for the Syrian refugees at a camp between Adıyaman and Urfa. During the course of my work there, I would generally spend my time alone, not hanging out or having a close relation with somebody. One day, I me someone by the name of Ahmet Korkmaz who was similarly working for another catering company providing food for the camp. As we met and he told me about himself, our talks gained a religious insight after some time. What he repeatedly told me about hell and heaven instilled a fear inside me, and I started performing prayer with the influence of our talks. I was on the other hand feeling well and happy, as my manner of living had changed and I had, upon his suggestions, also started reading books with religious content. When we were done with our work at the camp, me and Ahmet started meeting in Adıyaman. As our relation progressed, religion became the single talking point for us. One day, Ahmet asked me if I wanted to join the training, and I accepted it. Ahmet Korkmaz had a house in the Mezarlık neighborhood near the Adıyaman Stadium, and he was using this house as a „religious training camp“. Then I started to receive training there, together with three other people by the name of Yusuf, Eymen and İbrahim.

What was the manner of living in the camp, what training did you receive there?

The manner of living in the camp was based on religious principles. We were given lessons on jihad for five months.

Did the camp house any groups other than you?

We were attending the camp on some certain days of the week. I do not know if there was another training or other groups there. Most of the activities were kept secret from us. It was not allowed for groups to know or ask about the others.

What happened after this period of five months?

The lessons were suspended for some time after those five months. Later, Ahmet turned out to be searched, and he said he wouldn‘t be able to stay in Turkey anymore. After a while, we learned from İbrahim that Ahmet had crossed into Syria.

Did you meet İbrahim in that camp?

Right, we met each other there. İbrahim was a quite person, an age-mate of mine, and unemployed. He was still living in Adıyaman when I left there. During the course of the training, İbrahim was acting like Ahmet’s assistant.

During the course of the training provided to you by Ahmet Korkmaz, was that house targeted by any raids or searches?

No, it wasn‘t.

What about your process of joining the ISIS?

After Ahmet crossed into Syria, our talks with İbrahim continued. Ahmet was sending us news through İbrahim. In the May of 2015, Ahmet once again sent news through İbrahim and asked if I wanted to join ISIS. He said that the war wasn‘t like it was being told, that there was no war in Syria, and that the news of war were distorted reports of the media. I was told that I would be given a work I wanted and be able to lead a normal life within the Islamic State after one month of Ribat (watch duty) in Syria. Because of the difficulties in my life, and the jihad training I had received, I accept to join ISIS. Jihad ordered us „either victory or martyrdom“. While you live, this would help enlarge the lands of the Islamic State, and when you die, you would benefit from the blessings of God, sustenances and houris. I was told that „In any case, you end up profitable, and win“. That is why I decided to join.

How did you cross into Syria from Adıyaman?

After I accepted to join, İbrahim told me to be ready the next day. I packed my bag hid and it in a building under construction, telling my family that I would go to hospital. The next day, I woke up early, performed prayer, tok my bag from the building, and met İbrahim who told me „You will go to Kilis and meet the taxi driver in contact with us at the minibus station“. He described the taxi driver, as a short, plumpy and mustached man at the age of 35. He didn‘t tell me his name. I got a bus and travelled first to Antep, then to Kilis. There I went to the minibus station and found the taxi driver whom İbrahim had told me about. The taxi driver called the courier who would help me cross into Syria. The courier took me from there to a place outside Kilis which was being used as a camp of gathering and crossing. It was a place amidst trees where there were some four-five adobe houses. There were 17 more people there who came from various parts of Turkey.

Do you know where exactly was the camp you mention located? Was it at the border?

It was not at the border but I do not remember where exactly it was.

From which point did you enter Syria?

The courier took us from there to an area located at a distance of one kilometer from the Jarablus Border Gate. There was a point where Syrian civilians crossed the border. At a point 150 meters close to there, he had us cross into Jarablus.

Could you tell what you lived and what happened after your crossing into Jarablus?

The persons who met us after our crossing told that we would be taken to the city of Bab and join a training camp there. We said we weren‘t told and we didn‘t know about that training camp. „It is a new implementation. You will receive religious education and military training after that“ they replied, and took us to the camp. This wasn‘t what we had expected. I was planning to go through a one-month watch duty, after which I was going to be provided a job and live within the Islamic State. There I understood that it wasn‘t going to work that way.

Where were you taken to after the training camp?

After the training camp, we were taken to Tabqa for an oath-taking ceremony where we swore allegiance to the Caliph. Then I was sent to Tal Abyad.

Were you sent to Tal Abyad alone, to which brigade were you assigned, and was there any Turkish citizen other than you there?

We were sent to Tal Abyad as a 27-men brigade which was completely made up of Turks and called Constantine Brigade. When we arrived at Tal Abyad, YPG had already started to make advances towards it. Sounds of clashes could be heard from the town center by then. I walked around in the center only once. People were afraid of ISIS members.

During those days when YPG were advancing towards Girê Spî, were the ISIS gangs preventing the leave of civilian people?

Right, we had already been instructed to „not leave the civilians“. We tried to hinder the leave of the civilians till the last moment. As YPG started to siege the city, we were told that we needed to flee there and go to Raqqa.

How were you captured?

YPG had laid a siege around the city from all sides by then. We were encircled in a village to the south of the city while trying to flee there. In a clash there, those near me were all killed. I hid myself in a byre and stayed there for a while before being captured alive during a search by YPG there.

What happened when you were captured, how did the YPG treat you?

I got to know YPG after my capture, and learned humanity, bravery and conscience from them. When I think what ISIS members would do to a YPG member they captured, there would be a world of difference. The YPG fighters that captured me gave me cigarette, water, biscuit, tea, food and coffee. I got to know YPG and its fighters there. After my capture as an enemy of theirs, I firstly thought that they would either shoot or behead me, or run over me with a car. This was what I thought they would do in response to what ISIS does to the people. They were, however, always good to me and they continue doing so.

Have you ever been prevented from practicing your faith here in this prison?

No, I pray, I read the Qoran. I have never been prevented from practicing my faith here.

Do you have a message for young people living in Adıyaman?

My message for the youth in Adıyaman is this; pull yourself together. There is no victory or martyrdom out there, your life will be ruined and everything will end. There are big differences between what is told in Turkey and what I saw here, ISIS is not like how it is described to us.

You cannot do much after regretting your decision. Understand everything carefully and act upon that later. We only read books about the beauties of Islam in our education camp. I have not seen ISIS implement any of the things we read in those books. ISIS declared everyone that is not loyal to it as the enemy, and uses violence to force religion upon people. Religion is voluntary, our prophet never forced anyone into religion. ISIS beheads those that do not show allegiance, so young people should be on the watch for those people who try to trap them in Adıyaman.



Türkische Spezialeinheiten richten drei Zivilisten in Diyadin hin

In der vergangenen Nacht kam es zu einem Angriff türkischer Sicherheitskräfte in der Kreisstadt Diyadin in der Provinz Agri, bei dem zwei Minderjährige getötet wurden. Augenberichten zufolge sollen bei dem Vorfall Mitglieder des militärischen Sondereinsatzkommandos wahllos auf ein Wohnviertel geschossen haben. In der Folge dieses Angriffs wurden der 16-Jährige Orhan Aslan und der 15-Jährige Emrah Aydemir getötet. Beide waren als Bäcker beschäftigt. Auf dem Weg in ein Holzlager gerieten sie ins Kreuzfeuer.

Fevzi Kahraman, Augenzeuge des Vorfalls, berichtete, dass nach der Tat die Mitglieder der türkischen Sicherheitskräfte, die Kleider der erschossenen Zivilisten mit Kleidung von Guerillakämpfern auswechselten. Als er mit vier weiteren Personen einschreiten wollte, wurde er gemeinsam mit den anderen festgenommen.

Der Leichnam eines weiteren Mann wurde in einem leerstehenden Haus gefunden. Anwohner des Stadtteils berichten, dass der Mann von türkischen Spezialeinheiten getötet wurde. Daraufhin wurde seine Leiche an einen Panzer gebunden und durch die Straßen geschleift.

Im Vorfeld des Ereignisses soll es zu einem Angriff auf einen Gendarmeriestützpunkt gekommen sein, welcher sich in der Nähe des Wohnviertels befindet.
In den vergangenen Tagen intensivierten sich die staatlichen Angriffe auf die Zivilbevölkerung in Nordkurdistan und anderen Teilen der Türkei.

Civaka Azad

Turkish state terror against Kurds

The true face of the Turkish state: „You will all see the power of the Turk“. – with English subtitles.

This video has gone viral showing 52 handcuffed Kurdish men lying face down surrounded by Turkish special operation teams who raided a private construction site in Yüksekova, wearing masks and accompanied by armoured vehicles.

In photographs serviced to the press, Hakkari Governor’s Office previously reported that soldiers had seized large quantities of ammunitions during the raid. Yet, the footage shows that there are no arms around except for the ones carried by the Turkish forces.

The video looks like a flashback of the 1980s and 1990s when the Turkish state carried out a dirty war against the Kurdish people; using torture, kidnappings, disappearances and extra-judicial killings as a means of terrorising the Kurdish people and defeating their struggle for national rights.

This video is from 5th of August 2015.


Is this the Special Forces Officer who Tortures and Threatens Kurds? / North Kurdistan

Images have surfaced of the man who first shared the video showing a Turkish Special Forces Officer shouting threats to Kurdish men handcuffed and faced down in a 45 second video.

In the video the face of the man who is shouting is not revealed as the video is shot from his point of view. A ring worn by the man on his right hand finger appears at the 38th second of the video and is similar to a ring worn by Celebi Delibey in a video of him instructing.

Video of torture and abuse:

Translation of video:

Video of ring:

Celebi Delibey shared the video on his Facebook page earlier today and then removed it soon after it went viral. The comments underneath the video were full of praise for him, commending him for his patriotism and treatment of Kurds.

In other photos and videos on his profile it shows that Celebi Delibey is a Special Forces Officer who calls himself ‚Crazy Celebi‘ and says of himself that ‚Executioners have an ugly stare.‘

From his profile it is also clear that Delibey is an instructor and has worked closely with the AKP government, instructing former AKP MP Hasim Kilic’s security guards on the use of motor vehicles.

Kurdish Question

2 people killed in state terror in Silopi

2 persons died, while many others were wounded in police attack in the Silopi district of Şırnak.
Silopi today.

Police forces sieged Zap and Avaşin neighbourhoods at around 04:00 last night in the Silopi district of Şırnak and attempted raiding houses in order to detain some young people. As people responded strongly against the police operation, and did not allow the entrance of the police forces into the neighbourhoods, clashes broke out between the youth and the security forces. Facing strong resistance against the detentions, police opened random fire on people, killing 2 persons and wounding many others. Police forces also set 6 houses on fire, and also opened fire on the ambulances that were carrying the wounded civilians to the hospital.

HDP Şırnak deputy Faysal Sarıyılız confirmed to ANF that 2 people, Hamdi Ulaş and Hıdır Tanboğa, were killed in police fire and many others were wounded.

Sarıyıldız said that over 10 wounded people were taken to the hospital and added that the police opened fire on a car which was carrying a wounded person to the hospital, and that the bullets hit the wheel of the car.

Sarıyıldız reported that clashes continue in the two neighbourhoods.

Another HDP Şırnak deputy, Ferhat Encü, reported that 6 houses were set on fire by the police, and added: “Police prevents the wounded from being taken to the hospital as well as the fire department from extinguishing the fires in the houses. Smokes have arisen above the two neighbourhoods”

Speaking to ANF, Silopi co-mayor Seyfettin Aydemir also confirmed that two persons were killed in police fire, and added that clashes continue in the two neighbourhoods as the police continue to fire bullets on people. Aydemir said together with the two HDP deputies that they have been trying to enter the neighbourhoods but could not do this: “Snipers are positioned on the roof. There is no life security here”, Aydemir added.




Kurdische Großdemonstration am Samstag in Köln

Köln | Die kurdische Organisation Nav-Dem – Demokratisches Gesellschaftszentrum der KurdInnen in Deutschland e.V. hat für dem kommenden Samstag zu einer Demonstration in Kölm aufgerufen. Dem Aufruf haben sich über 40 weitere Organisationen* angeschlossen. Die Kölner Polizei rechnet, nach Absprache mit dem Veranstalter, mit mehr als 8.000 Teilnehmern. Die aufrufenden Organisationen werfen Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan und der Partei AKP Machtbessenheit vor und fordern ein Ende des „Kriegskurses des türkischen Staates“.

Im Aufruf wird das PKK Verbot der Bundesregierung kritisiert, wie auch Waffenexporte aus Deutschland und die Stationierung der Patriot-Raketen in der oder die Türkei. Die Nav-Dem spricht von fast 1.000 festgenommenen und inhaftierten kurdischen, alevitischen und revolutionären Aktivisten in der Türkei. Der türkischen Regierung wirft man zudem vor, trotz Waffenstillstand PKK-Stellungen in den Kandil-Bergen zu bombardieren und Abdullah Öcalan, den Führer der PKK, der seit Jahren in Haft ist, total zu isolieren. Der Türkei, so heißt es in dem Aufruf zur Kölner Demonstration, gehe es auch darum die Autonomie im Kurdengebiet Rojava und deren Selbstverwaltung durch die PYD zu verhindern.

Die zentrale Botschaft des Aufrufes: „Wir fordern von der Bundesregierung, dass sie endlich ihre Türkei-Politik ändert, jegliche Waffenexporte in die Türkei und die Region stoppt sowie ihren Beitrag zur friedlichen Lösung der kurdischen Frage, z.B. durch die Aufhebung des PKK-Verbotes, leistet. Rojava muss endlich anerkannt werden.“

Die Kölner Polizei wird die Großdemonstration begleiten und appelliert an die Teilnehmer der Demonstration friedlich und gewaltfrei zu protestieren. Die Demonstration beginnt um 12 Uhr auf dem Ebertplatz und wird sich gegen 15 Uhr über die Turiner Straße, Marzellenstraße, Trankgasse und Alter Markt in Richtung Heumarkt bewegen, wo eine Abschlusskundgebung geplant ist. Die Demonstration soll sich gegen 19 Uhr auflösen.

Neben der Demonstration ist an diesem Wochenende auch noch Gamescom und Gamescom City Festival in Köln. Zwei Großereignisse, zu denen in der Stadt mehrere hunderttausend Besucher erwartet werden. Der Appell an alle Kölnbesucher ist, so weit möglich die Öffentlichen Verkehrsmittel zu benutzen. Zudem kommt es auch an der Baustelle am Kümpchenshof am Kölner Mediapark zu einer Vollsperrung.

* Die Organisationen, die sich dem Aufruf zur Demonstration in Köln angeschlossen haben:

NAV-DEM (Kurdisches demokratisches Gesellschaftszentrum, BRD), AvEG-Kon (Konföderation der unterdrückten MigrantInnen von Europa), TJKE ( Einheit der kurdischen Frauen Europa), SKB (Einheit sozialistischer Frauen), AABF (Alevitische Gemeinde Deutschland e.V.), BDAS (Bund der Alevitischen Studierenden e.V.), BDAJ (Bund der Alevitischen Jugendlichen e.V.)ATIF (Föderation der ArbeiterInnen aus der Türkei BRD), Yaşanacak Dünya/devrimci proletarya (für eine lebenswerte Welt/revolutionäre ProletarierInnen), DIDF (Föderation der demokratischen ArbeiterInnen-Vereine), ADHK (Föderation der demokratischen Rechte, Europa), Nor Zartonk, ADEF (Föderation der demokratischen Dersim-Vereinigungen, Europa), FKE (Föderation der ezidischen Vereine), Young Strougle, FEDA(Föderation der demokratischen AlevitInnen), MDDP (Partei des demokratischen Wandels Mesopotamien), FCIK (Föderation der islamischen Gesellschaften), YXK(Verband der Studierenden aus Kurdistan), Cîwanên Azad, Jinên Cîwanên Azad, FIDEF (Föderation der ArbeiterInnen-Vereine der BRD), KCD-E (Demokratischer Gesellschaftskongress der Kurden, Europa), SYKP (Die Partei der Sozialistischen Wiedergründung), ÖDA (Freiheit und Solidarität, BRD), YSGP (Partei der grünen und linken Zukunft), PIK (Islamische Partei Kurdistans), ASM (Rat der Exilierten, Europa), KKP (Kommunistische Partei Kurdistans), Aktionsgruppe für den Aufbau der dritten Reihe, BIR-KAR (ArbeiterEinheit), Assembbly of Armenians of Eurpe Sektion Deutschland(Rat der ArmenierInnen Europa), Kampagne Tatort Kurdistan, MLPD, YDG (Neue Demokratische Jugend), Yeni Kadin (Neue Frau), Soli-Komitee-Wuppertal, Kurdisch-Internationalistischer FrauenRat Berlin Dest Dan, Revolutionärer Sozialistische Bund (Köln), Demokratische Bewegung der TscherkesInnen in Europa, Bundesweite Montagsdemo, Revolutionär Sozialistischer Bund / IV. Internationale (RSB) Oberhausen, Linke Erwerbslosen Organisation (L.E.O.) Köln, Rote Aktion, SJD- Die Falken Landesverband NRW, Interventionistische Linke (IL)


Türkische Luftwaffe verübt Massaker an Zivilisten

Bei den anhaltenden Luftangriffen auf das Kandilgebirge in Südkurdistan/Nordirak hat die türkische Luftwaffe ein Massaker an der dort lebenden Zivilbevölkerung verübt. Die türkischen Kampfjets bombardierten bei ihren Luftangriffen in der Nacht vom 31. Juli auf den 01. August ab 4 Uhr auch das ausschließlich von Zivilisten bewohnte Dorf Zergele in den Kandilbergen. Laut ersten Angaben wurden insgesamt acht Bomben über das Dorf abgeworfen. Dabei kamen mindestens zehn Zivilisten ums Leben, 13 weitere Menschen wurden schwer verletzt.

Es handelt sich nicht um das erste Mal, dass bei türkischen Luftangriffen auf die Kandilberge Zivilisten getötet werden. Bereits im August 2011 hatte das türkische Militär bei Luftangriffen eine siebenköpfige Familie getötet.

Civaka Azad


Türkei greift Kurden im Südkurdistan an

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