Archiv für Dezember 2012

Angriffe auf Serê Kaniyê gehen weiter: Fünf Zivilisten verletzt und drei weitere entführt

Die Angriffe verschiedener bewaffneter Gruppen auf die westkurdische Stadt Serê Kaniyê halten seit dem 12. Dezember weiter an. Nachdem die Gefechte zwischen den Gruppen und den Volksverteidigungseinheiten der YPG am Abend des 13. Dezembers abgeklungen waren, nahmen sie in den Mittagsstunden des 14.12. wieder zu. Bei den erneuten Gefechten wurden ersten Angaben zufolge fünf Zivilisten durch die Angreifergruppen verletzt. Drei weitere Zivilisten wurden durch die islamistischen Gruppen entführt.

Die YPG vermeldete, dass bei den Gefechten am 13. Dezember mindestens 25 Mitglieder der bewaffneten Gruppen getötet worden sind. Die Kräfte der YPG haben zudem zwei Stützpunkte der Angreifergruppen eingenommen. In den Reihen der YPG ist eine Person bei den Gefechten ums Leben gekommen und drei weitere wurden leicht verletzt.

Die verletzten Kämpfer der bewaffneten Gruppen hingegen wurden von dutzenden türkischen Krankenwagen über die Grenze in die Krankenhäuser von Ceyanpnar und Riha (Urfa) gebracht.

Bereits vor einigen Wochen drangen islamistische Gruppierungen über die Türkei nach Serê Kaniyê ein. Jedoch kündigten diese an, nachdem es zu schweren Verluste ihrerseits nach Gefechten mit der YPG gekommen war, sich aus den kurdischen Gebieten zurückzuziehen. Nach Angaben von Ilham Ahmed, Mitglied des Kurdischen Hohen Rates, sollen am 13.12. erneut etwa 500 Islamisten, in die Stadt Serê Kaniyê, die vom Kurdischen Hohen Rat verwaltet wird, eingedrungen sein.

ISKU

Westkurdistan/Syrien: Gespräche zwischen dem Kurdischen Hohen Rat und der Nationalen Koalition der Syrischen Revolutions- und Oppositionskräfte

In einem Gespräch mit der Tageszeitung Yeni Özgür Politika vom 13.12.2012 gab der Co-Vorsitzende der Partei der Demokratischen Einheit (PYD), welche als einflussreichste kurdische Partei in Syrien gilt, bekannt, dass die Gespräche, die zwischen der Nationalen Koalition der Syrischen Revolutions- und Oppositionskräfte und dem Hohen Kurdischen Rat geführt wurden, positiv verlaufen sind.

An der Gründung der Nationalen Koalition der Syrischen Revolutions- und Oppositionskräfte im vergangenen November in Doha partizipierten keine kurdischen Gruppen. Nachdem die Syrische Nationale Koalition von zahlreichen Staaten als legitimer Vertreter Syriens anerkannt wurde, wurde bestrebt, ebenfalls die KurdInnen mit in das neugegründete Gefüge einzubeziehen. Dafür wurde zunächst der Kontakt zum Kurdischen Nationalrat Syriens (ENKS), welcher zugleich Mitglied im Kurdischen Hohen Rat ist, gesucht. Jedoch erklärten die kurdischen VertreterInnen, dass durch den ENKS nicht alle KurdInnen repräsentiert werden, und trafen sich deshalb mit insgesamt sieben VertreterInnen des Kurdischen Hohen Rates mit der Syrischen Nationalen Koalition.

„Das in Doha gegründete Koalitionsgefüge ist nicht mit dem Syrischen Nationalrat, der in der Türkei gegründet wurde, gleichzusetzen. Die Nationale Koalition hat den Kurdischen Nationalrat Syriens zu Gesprächen eingeladen, jedoch haben wir darauf bestanden, dass die Gespräche im Namen des Kurdischen Hohen Rates geführt werden sollen, da dieser die KurdInnen repräsentiert“, so Müslim, der weiter anmerkte, dass die Gespräche positiv verlaufen sind und viele wichtige Forderungen der KurdInnen seitens der Nationalen Koalition akzeptiert wurden. „Auch wenn nicht alle unsere Forderungen zu 100 Prozent erfüllt worden sind, wurden uns Versprechen erteilt. Darin heißt es, dass der stellvertretende Vorsitzende der Nationalen Koalition von den KurdInnen gestellt wird und die Rechte der KurdInnen in der Verfassung gesichert werden. Zudem wird sowohl die kurdische Identität, als auch die Kultur offiziell anerkannt. Schulbildung wird in kurdischer Sprache erteilt“, so Müslim weiter.

„Die YPG ist die Verteidigungskraft sämtlicher KurdInnen“

Zu den Diskussionen über den Status der KurdInnen im künftigen Syrien äußerte Müslim: „Es wurde darüber debattiert, ob es in Form einer Föderation oder der Demokratischen Autonomie sein soll. Meiner Vermutung nach wird der Demokratischen Autonomie zugestimmt werden. Die diesbezüglichen Details werden später noch konkretisiert werden. Der Name der Arabischen Republik Syrien soll ebenfalls geändert werden. Der neue Name wird Syrische Republik lauten.“

Hinsichtlich der Verteidigung der kurdischen Bevölkerung gab Müslim bekannt, dass „die Volksverteidigungseinheiten (YPG) die Verteidigungskraft sämtlicher KurdInnen darstellen. Dies hat jeder so zu wissen und zu akzeptieren. Die YPG wird sich nicht der Freien Syrischen Armee (FSA) unterordnen, jedoch in Koordination mit ihr zusammen agieren.“

Keine offizielle Gebundenheit

Müslim betonte, dass sich die Vereinbarungen auf bloße Versprechungen stützen und demnach offiziell nicht bindend seien und ergänzte: „Für die Errichtung des neuen Syriens bedarf es einer Übergangsphase in der eine Übergangsregierung gegründet wird. Nach dieser Übergangsphase wird es zu einem Regierungswechsel kommen. Verfassungskommissionen müssen gegründet werden, in denen die KurdInnen und die Koalition diese Punkte erneut debattieren werden. Über die Bestimmung des stellvertretenden Koalitionsvorsitzenden werden sowohl wir KurdInnen unter uns, als auch gemeinsam mit den Koalitionsvertretern beraten.“

Geheimes Abkommen

Nachdem die Koalition in Katar gegründet worden war, tauchten in der Presse Berichte über ein geheimes Abkommen auf. Eines der 12 Punkte des geheimen Abkommens soll lauten, dass „die PKK (Arbeiterpartei Kurdistan) von allen Mitgliedern ausgegrenzt wird, die von der Türkei verlangten PKKlerInnen ausgeliefert werden, und die PKK in die Liste der Terrororganisationen aufgenommen wird“. Angesprochen auf dieses Abkommen, erklärte Müslim: „Wir haben ebenfalls von solch einem Abkommen gehört. Zunächst gilt es klarzustellen, dass die PKK in Westkurdistan nicht vertreten ist. Hier gibt es nur die PYD und die YPG, die alle KurdInnen vertritt. Wir haben bei den Parteien bezüglich dieses Abkommens nachgefragt. Diese meinten, dass so etwas nicht bestehen würde. Wir schenken ihren Worten vertrauen. Die Wahrheit wird sich sowieso in den kommenden Tagen zeigen. Als kurdische Seite hoffen wir, dass solch ein Abkommen nicht getroffen worden ist.“

Die Türkei fühlt sich gestört

„Die Türkei akzeptiert den Kurdischen Hohen Rat nicht. Daher wird die Türkei auch etwas dagegen haben, dass wir in der Nationalen Koalition vertreten sein werden. Jedoch ist es alleinig das Problem der Türkei, ob sie es akzeptieren werden oder nicht. Entweder werden sämtliche KurdInnen akzeptiert, oder die KurdInnen werden, auch wenn ein Teil von ihnen von der Nationalen Koalition akzeptiert wird, nicht daran teilnehmen“, so Müslim weiter.

Die Türkei mit im Massaker involviert

In der Nähe der Provinz Hama wurde im alawitischen Dorf Akrab durch die Al-Nusra Front, die von der Türkei Unterstützung erhält, ein Massaker verübt. Dabei wurden 130 DorfbewohnerInnen ermordet. Der PYD-Vorsitzende Müslim vermutet, dass die Türkei in dieser Sache involviert sein könnte. Mit Hinweis auf die Zusammenkunft militärischer Gruppen aus Syrien in der türkischen Stadt Antalya in den letzten Wochen fügte Müslim noch folgendes hinzu: „Auf dieser Zusammenkunft distanzierten sich die anderen Gruppen von den der Türkei nahestehenden islamischen Gruppierungen. Dies hat natürlich die Türkei gestört. Das türkische Regime ist zu allem fähig. Es wird versuchen Syrien in ein noch größeres Chaos zu versetzen. Durch die Unterstützung der Türkei konnten einige Organisationen nach Syrien gelangen. Eine davon ist die Al-Nusra Front, deren Mitglieder aus Tunesien, Libyen und anderen Ländern stammen. Diese denken nicht an das Wohl Syriens. Sie verstehen auch nichts von Demokratie oder Freiheit. Deren einzige Intention besteht darin, für sich selbst den Weg ins Paradies zu sichern. Wurden die Türen zum Paradies in Syrien geöffnet? Gibt es keine anderen Türen? Muss denn der Weg ins Paradies unbedingt über Syrien verlaufen?“

ISKU

A Report from Kurdish Syria

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/7zAFzlXJtc.jpg
KURDISH MILITIA IN SYRIA: A young woman and other new recruits train at a secret base near the Iraqi and Turkish border.

Journalist Goes Inside a Little Known Revolution

All changed, changed utterly:

A terrible beauty is born.

—W.B. Yeats, “Easter, 1916”

I was sitting on the dirt floor of a hut on the Tigris River in northwestern Iraq, just outside the booming territory established by Iraqi Kurds 21 years ago in 1991, a place that today looks increasingly like an independent Kurdish state. I was negotiating with smugglers to get across the border into Syria, where the civil war against the dictator Bashar al-Assad was raging. I wanted to get what I considered the important but under-reported story of Syrian Kurds, who recently had taken up arms in the hope of establishing their own autonomous region.

When I started covering the Kurdish struggle 21 years ago, the dream of a unified homeland was still shared by many of the 35 million Kurds who spill over the frontiers of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran. Today, Iraqi Kurds worry that overt support for Kurds outside Iraqi Kurdistan will jeopardize their own hard-won independence. Western reporters are barred from crossing the Dicle, as the storied Tigris is known locally, because Iraqi Kurdish leaders fear that publicizing the Kurdish autonomy movement in Syria will anger Turkey, their primary trading partner. Turkey has been unable to contain its own Kurdish rebellion, an armed uprising led by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the PKK. The conflict has dragged on for 28 years, and both sides have been guilty of human rights violations. With Kurds in Syria now supporting the PKK agenda for a Greater Kurdistan, with rebel attacks inside Turkey now intensifying, and with an Arab opposition that includes jihadists finally closing in on the Assad regime in Damascus, the whole region was teetering toward implosion. Once again, the age-old struggle of the Kurds was front and center.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/zzkZHOaKA7.jpg
Mother and daughter attend a Kurdish rally in Derik, Syria. The girl has the colors of the Kurdish flag wrapped around her neck.

GETTING TO KNOW THE KURDS: IRAQ

My introduction to the Kurds came in 1991, near the end of the first Gulf War, when a Swiss journalist and I hiked across the Taurus Mountains from Turkey into Iraq. We arrived just as the victorious Allies were designating northern Iraq as a no-fly zone. Kurds in Iraq were still reeling from the Anfal, Saddam Hussein’s genocidal campaign of the 1980s, which razed 4,000 villages and killed 200,000 people, including 5,000 victims in a notorious chemical attack on the town of Halabja.

Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait had set off a chain of events that would hurt — then eventually help — the Kurds. A massive, U.S.-led air and ground assault forced Saddam’s troops to withdraw from Kuwait, but then, in an unexpected development, the U.S. decided against removing the dictator from power in Baghdad. Instead, President George H. W. Bush exhorted Iraqi civilians to rise up on their own. Expecting U.S. aid, the Shiites rose up in the south and the Kurds in the north. But when the administration allowed Saddam to use his Soviet-supplied gunships against his own people, both uprisings were savagely crushed. One and one-half million Kurds fled to Turkey and Iran. According to some reports, 2,000 Kurdish refugees were dying every day along the roads.

Iraqi Kurdistan was awash in pestilence. Typhoid, cholera, and bronchitis were spreading unabated: Coughing, spitting adults sat on the roadsides in filthy clothes, next to crying kids. Flies clung to the scraps of dirty food on dirty plates. Walking through the freezing mud at the Sayed Sadeq refugee camp, I photographed Kurdish children in plastic sandals. A refugee asked me what on earth I was going to do with all the pictures. “We want bread,” she asked. “Why picture, picture, picture?” The question itself seemed to form a picture. For a moment at least, it seemed that the camera had changed hands.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/QlUtkSIhj8.jpg
This regional map shows Kurdistan in red, a geo-cultural area that overlaps four countries.

In the effort to cripple Saddam, the Allies had bombed the sewage treatment, water sanitation facilities, and food distribution routes throughout Iraq. The water was polluted, and people were dying. At almost every turn, you encountered starving children, barking dogs, and the wretched stench of burning rubbish. The government in Baghdad was regrouping, but the war in Kurdistan wasn’t over. It dragged on and on, like a long day at the end of the world. Life looked like a scene from the Mad Max film The Road Warrior.

Along a mountain road, I watched a father bury his baby daughter, her tiny body wrapped in a woven Kurdish blanket. As he lowered the child into the rocky grave, he held himself erect, his face without expression. I was an awkward visitor at a foreign funeral, but he embraced me afterward, thanking me in Kurdish and Arabic for “honoring” his loss. I could feel his body tremble.

Everywhere you went in those days, you saw burials, bombed-out buildings, downed electrical and telephone wires, looted homes, and the carcasses of animals. Armed bands of Kurdish rebels, the peshmerga (“those who face death”), roamed the countryside on no apparent mission. Cannibalized vehicles blocked the roads, with bullet holes through the windows, stripped of tires, engine parts, whatever could be carried off. With the exception of an occasional discarded Iraqi army helmet, there were few signs of Saddam’s troops, who by then were retreating south.

Despite all the suffering, the no-fly zone imposed by the West offered the Kurds of Iraq their first taste of autonomy. With American and Allied warplanes patrolling the skies north of the 36th parallel, they began administering public affairs, establishing their own parliament, wearing traditional clothes, singing their own songs, and opening Kurdish language schools — all of which had been previously forbidden by the Baghdad government. To their envious cousins in the restive Kurdish areas of Turkey, Iran, and Syria, this part of Iraq — which we reporters referred to as an “enclave” or “rump state” — had become “South Kurdistan.”

Sunni Versus Shia and the Proxy War in Syria

• Alawite Muslims: Predominantly Shia. Alawites make up about 14 percent of the population in Syria. The ruling elites are mostly Alawite, including the dictator, Bashar al-Assad. Shia Iran and (mostly) Shia Lebanon back Assad.

• Sunni Muslims: About three-quarters of the Syrian population are Sunni. The anti-Assad opposition is almost entirely Sunni. The opposition is backed by the Sunni leaders of Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia.

• Kurds: Largely Sunni Muslims. They have tried to stay neutral in a civil war that in less than two years has taken about 40,000 lives.

• Other players: The U.S. and Israel; China, with growing markets in the Middle East; and Russia with its only military base, outside the former Soviet Union, in Syria.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/93vxQdXhem.jpg
Shepherds helped to smuggle the writer into Syria.

2012: A Golden Era for the Kurds

Returning to Iraqi Kurdistan after so much time, I was unprepared for the change. The sky-high real estate prices, Western-style fast food joints, $5 mochas, iPhones, MacBook Pros, flat-screen TVs showing Saving Private Ryan in Kurdish, and fancy malls with escalators — conveyances I’d never seen in Kurdistan — and skyscrapers, where recruited workers from Bangladesh and Nepal were polishing faux marble in the lobbies — well, it was all a shock to me.

In the washroom of the upscale Abu Shabab restaurant in Erbil, the Kurdish capital, a dark-skinned, dour-looking Punjabi was handing out paper towels. I had never seen a “human towel dispenser” in Kurdistan, and I stopped to chat. The man said he worked 30 or 31 days straight — depending on the month — and received an extra 25,000 dinars, about $20, for coming in on Friday, the Muslim holiday. He told me he sent home the bulk of his salary, about $450 a month.

I had to admit that the Iraqi Kurds had come a long way since the dark days of 1991, back when they had “no friends but the mountains.” Still, I was taken aback by the specter of hundreds of thousands of sub-wage workers immigrating from poor Asian countries, only to become part of a new caste system. According to my friend Shalaw Askeri, there is more work than workers because Kurds have become too picky to accept jobs like street cleaning. Was this, I wondered, the “Kuwait-ization” of Kurdistan?

When I was here to cover the war in 2003, Erbil had only four hotels, providing spartan accommodations that deserved — in the words of one Kurdish builder — a “zero-star rating.” When I ran into the same builder this time, he’d just completed construction of the luxury Tangram Hotel in Erbil, near the Kurdish Parliament. He told me that 20 new five-star hotels, including two Hiltons, a Sheraton, and a Kempinski, were also under construction.

The Iraqi Kurds’ share of revenue from the central government in Baghdad is 17 percent, about $17 billion annually. But the Kurds make as much as $2 billion — “magic money” as some call it — from oil deals they signed independently with multinationals such as Chevron and Exxon. Chevron, which is based in San Ramon, California, announced in July that it will buy oil rights to explore 490 square miles of countryside north of Erbil. Baghdad has denounced such agreements as “illegal and illegitimate” and has warned the oil giants they will be barred from doing business in the rest of the country, but to little effect.

Despite the U.S. narrative that postwar Iraq is a success story, the country is now partitioned in all but name. In central and southern Iraq, hundreds of people are killed annually in sectarian bombings, but there hasn’t been a bombing in Iraqi Kurdistan for several years. Israel, which has befriended the Kurds as a counterweight to Arab influence in the Middle East, is said to be training and equipping peshmerga forces. Security, like per capita income, is the highest in the country. Here, the Kurds have their own parliament and ministries; their tricolor flag, which first appeared during the Kurdish independence movement in the Ottoman Empire, flies overhead. Tourism is booming. Arab businessmen and vacationers flock here from throughout Iraq, but the Iraqi army is not allowed to enter the Kurdish autonomous region. The Ministry of Education dropped Arabic from the school curriculum in 1991, which means that most people no longer speak the majority language.

The tractors and hay wagons I used to see on the roads are mostly gone. Now it is rare for a family not to own at least one automobile. There is so much traffic that Kurdish police have started enforcing seat-belt laws and fining speeders. The most popular car is the Nissan Sunny, which sells for just over $10,000, putting it within reach of an emerging middle class.

Wealthier Kurds these days prefer the Lexus LX570, although some still drive the broad-fendered Toyota Land Cruiser. That’s the SUV that the Kurds, back in the days of Bill Clinton’s troubles in the White House, nicknamed the “Monica.” Of course, there is also the Chrysler 300 Hemi, the high-performance sedan with smoked windows, thought to be a favorite of American rappers. The Kurds refer to it as the “Obama.”

Kurdistan is still a cash economy, without banks or credit cards. At the sparkling Jaguar–Range Rover showroom next to the Palace Hotel in the city of Sulaimania, the salesman told me most people keep their cash — and a gun or two — at home. One customer arrived with $180,000 — in a plastic bag. The dealership has money-counting machines, but it still took a while to total the sale.

Reportedly, there are now 2,000 millionaires and six billionaires in Iraqi Kurdistan, a territory of five million people that is less than half the size of California. When I was here in the ’90s, the two legendary families, the Barzani clan and the Talabani clan, were fighting a bitter civil war. Today, they still control the two major parties, the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party) and the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan). Both families have extensive real estate and business holdings, and both have been accused of corruption.

But despite this increasingly comfortable lifestyle, most ordinary Kurds still cling to the dream of a unified Kurdistan. Many say they support the separatist efforts of the PKK rebels — as long as Iraqi Kurdistan is not threatened in the process — and regard its leader, Abdullah Öcalan, long imprisoned by the Turkish government, as a hero. But Iraqi Kurdish leaders may not share such sentiments. Last year, the Kurdish President of Iraq, Jalal Talabani, a former guerrilla fighter against Saddam who was once based in Syria, caused an uproar when he ruled out uniting the Kurds of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran within a single Kurdish state. In an interview with a Turkish newspaper, the 79-year old Talabani dismissed the notion of a Greater Kurdistan as “just a dream in poems.”

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/GjoxaPL6wY.jpg
Kurdish rebels, with a heavy Russian-made DShK machine gun mounted on a truck, enter the town of Derik, Syria.

A Diary from Kurdish Syria

Too long a sacrifice

Can make a stone of the heart.

—W.B. Yeats, “Easter, 1916”

October 14, 2012

After two days of waiting on the Iraqi banks of the Tigris, my fixer, a mustachioed man with gray hair and a 9 mm pistol tucked in his waistband, found a shepherd with a small boat, paid the bakshis, and I was able to make it across the Tigris. This would not be my first time in Syria without papers. In 1996 I had backpacked into Iraq with a hundred armed PKK rebels who were en route to Turkey. We had left the petrol-rich Kurdish region in Syria at night, in the eerie glow of oil fires, and crossed the river at dawn in rubber rafts.

In those days, the PKK funneled fighters to the Turkish battlefield through Lebanon and into Syria, where Hafez al-Assad, the father of the current dictator, had long provided a safe haven for rebel leader Abdullah Öcalan. In 1995, for a 60 Minutes interview conducted in a Damascus safe house, I met an ebullient, cocky Öcalan. Just two years later, the fortunes of the PKK leader changed abruptly when Turkey demanded that Assad shut down the PKK. The Turks backed up their ultimatum by deploying 50,000 soldiers along the Syrian border. Assad expelled Öcalan, who then embarked on a multi-country odyssey. With the secret help of the Clinton administration, he was captured in Kenya in 1999. He has been imprisoned ever since on a Turkish island near Istanbul, part of the time in solitary confinement.

The Kurds have had a painful history in Syria. After WWI and the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, French colonists recruited Kurds as a foil to Arab nationalism, giving the educated minority privileges that included a special military unit. The practice left a bitter legacy. In 1959, Kurdish officers were purged from the Syrian army. In 1962, Syria stripped most Kurds of citizenship, forbidding them to own property or hold government jobs. In the mid 1960s, after the hyper-nationalist Ba’ath party came to power, oppression of the Kurds intensified. Soon, Syrian Kurds were forced to carry special red identity cards. After the Assad regime came to power in 1971 following a coup d’état, the persecution of the Kurds began to ease. Turkish Kurds fleeing during the violence in their own country were allowed to resettle in Syria. But Syrian Kurds remained noncitizens.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/BPpPScCgku.jpg
A Syrian Kurd and her child in the Camp Domiz refugee camp in Iraqi Kurdistan. Since April, some 29,000 Syrian Kurds fleeing the war in Syria have been given asylum at Camp Domiz.

When I landed in Syria this time, I engaged a fixer named Hassan, a 26-year-old geology graduate of the respected University of Damascus. He told me he was trying to scrape together a dowry to marry his sweetheart of four years, but with the revolution going on, there weren’t any jobs for geologists. Instead, he hires himself out to the few foreign journalists who manage to find their way to the dusty town of Derik, with its 70,000 mostly unemployed residents. In oil-rich Syrian Kurdistan, where most of the country’s 2.5 billion barrels of crude still lies untapped in the ground, the streets are broken and littered with trash, the few cars in sight are old and beat up, and no one has a flush toilet.

It turned out that I was Hassan’s only customer, and because Derik doesn’t have a hotel, he took me to the home of another partisan, a threadbare apartment where six adults and three kids shared four rooms. He parked my backpack against a wall, under framed photos of a family member, a young man killed last year in the Kurdish uprising in Turkey. Hassan and his friends spoke in Kermangi, the Kurdish dialect in Syria. He explained to me, in broken English, that the young man went to Turkey to fight because at that time the Kurdish revolution in Syria was not “ripe.”

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/NU0odymBnO.jpg
Kurds have elevated “Apo” Öcalan, the imprisoned rebel leader, to cult-like status in Syria.

Hassan believes the Kurds will be the only winners in Syria’s bloody civil war. That is because they have declared autonomy without open warfare with the regime, and because the Arab militias who make up the opposition are splintered and eventually will turn on each other. When that happens, he believes, control of the Kurdish region will go to his people. Hassan, it struck me, was an optimist.

So far Syrian Kurds have managed to stay neutral in a civil war that has taken 40,000 lives in less than two years. At the moment, there’s an uneasy calm between Assad’s police forces and the Kurdish militias called the People’s Protection Units (YPG), which are composed of secular Sunni Kurds. When police in the nearby town of Qamishli recently rounded up seven Kurdish teenagers for Assad’s dwindling army, the YPG kidnapped 15 cops and soldiers. Shortly thereafter, the unwilling conscripts were exchanged for the government hostages.

That was followed by a similar incident in Derik, and the pattern has repeated itself, sometimes ending in tit-for-tat killings. Hassan said the game has limits. The regime’s forces are stretched thin, and the YPG militias are only lightly armed. Neither the police nor the Kurds can afford an all-out war.

The all-out war in Syria is the one being fought by Free Syrian Army (FSA), a patchwork of some 18 splinter groups, including devout Sunnis like the Muslim Brotherhood and, ominously, a growing number of Al Qaeda fighters. The FSA claims the Kurds collaborate with the regime; whenever anti-Assad fighters try to enter the Kurdish zone, Kurdish fighters try to drive them out. Just last month, when the FSA tried to raise its flag in the mostly Kurdish town of Ras al-Ain, dozens of Arabs and Kurds died in the fighting. After the regime falls, the two sides will either reach an accommodation regarding Kurdish autonomy or will go to war.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/VDbbrpSMyA.jpg
Kurds in northern Syria have formed secret militias called People’s Protection Units (YPG).

October 16, 2012

I was sitting in the back of a taxi with smoked windows, taking pictures of the Derik police station, the mukhabarat, through the windshield. I could see a cop behind bulletproof glass, near the large pictures of Bashar al-Assad and his late father, Hafez, that adorn the castle-like fortress. Adem, the driver, had just finished telling me about his arrest in 2004 for participating in a Kurdish protest. He spent four months in the notorious Palestine prison in Damascus, where he endured electric shocks and falaka, the foot torture British colonial police are credited with introducing to the Middle East in the 1930s.

As we drove around town, I got a better sense of the tenuous cat-and-mouse system that seems to coexist here. The Kurds control two of the five roads into town, enabling them to move fighters and contraband. But the Syrian government still pays teachers and hospital workers, and it allows the utilities and phone system to operate. The military checkpoint on the next block remains, at least for the time being.

For his part, Hassan says the Kurds should not make the mistake they did after WWI, in Ottoman times, when they joined the Turks to oust the Sultan — only to find that their ethnic identity was under siege once the fight was over. And they shouldn’t make the mistake they did in Iraq in 2003 in the aftermath of the invasion, when the U.S. convinced the Kurds to back the central government in Baghdad in exchange for the promise — still unfulfilled — of a referendum to be held by 2007 to determine who would control oil-rich Kirkuk, a city the Kurds consider their “Jerusalem.” For the Kurds, it’s not enough to be against Assad. Who or what replaces the dictatorship in the Syrian Arab Republic, Hassan said with emphasis, could be just as bad. “We want to save our nation,” Hassan said.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/mMkXC4Y3ty.jpg
Some of the roads in northern Syria are now controlled by armed Kurds who are seeking autonomy.

October 21, 2012

Today, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the dominant Kurdish party in Syria, opened a new office in President’s Square, just a hundred yards from the mukhabarat. Once outlawed and operating in the shadows, the PYD now has attracted about 700 Kurdish activists. Young and old, they speak Kurdish, play Kurdish music, and wear traditional Kurdish clothing. Many carry Kurdish flags and photos of Abdullah Öcalan. All of this would have landed them in jail — or worse — just a short time ago. We did meet some teenage girls who told us the regime had closed the local school briefly for holding Kurdish language classes, but the school reopened after two days — and the language classes resumed.

Across town at the Kurdish cultural center, singers were practicing for a concert. The walls of the auditorium were covered with large photographs of Derik residents who had been killed in the Kurdish uprising in Turkey. I spoke with one of the musicians about the upcoming presidential election in the U.S. He was playing the saza tembûra, a popular Kurdish instrument that resembles a long-neck mandolin. Like so many Kurds I met on this trip, he told me he preferred Republicans to Democrats. He hoped Mitt Romney would be president “so Assad can be bombed.”

The next day we traveled 20 miles to a cemetery in the parched countryside, where a youth group was hosting a memorial for shahids, or “martyrs,” the Kurdish word for fallen fighters. Organizers handed out new T-shirts with the image of “Apo,” as Öcalan is widely known. Someone fitted an oversize shirt on an 8-year-old boy, who stood stiffly at attention. My driver introduced me to his sister, who was filming the event for a Denmark-based Kurdish TV station.

Back in town, Hassan received a call from his grandfather, who told him the mukhabarat had phoned, wanting to know the whereabouts of Hassan and “that journalist.” Apparently, we were spotted taking pictures outside the police station. His grandfather, who was born when Syria was still a French colony, told the caller his grandson didn’t live there any more. Hassan said it was time to move me to a different apartment.

Hassan believes the police in Derik know who he is. He has never been arrested, but he knows there are ajahns (spies) in town, so he has to be careful. He warned me about the secret agents who lurk undercover on the streets, and he emphasized their hostility toward sahafi (journalists). He displayed all the bravado of a young revolutionary: “If I am arrested, one thousand angry demonstrators will surround the mukhabarat.” he said. Noticing my skepticism, he got a twinkle in his eye. “If you get arrested,” he added, “no one will show up!”

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/0NQBaf9vmk.jpg
Photos of the Assad regime posted outside the mukhabarat (police) station in Derik, Syria. Syrian police spotted the writer taking this picture.

October 23, 2012

I got word that I’d be allowed to photograph the People’s Protection Unit (YPG) militia at a training camp some 30 miles from Derik, within sight of both the Turkish and Iraqi borders. The commander, whose nom de guerre is Ahmed, told me the base was secret and that these will be the first photos the YPG has permitted. Until now, the rebels have kept a low profile, not wanting to antagonize the nearby Turkish army. He asked me not to take pictures of the building.

It seemed to me that even even if Turkey did not make good on a recent threat to “stamp out the PKK in Syria,” local Kurds will have a tough time keeping their “powder dry.” They seemed more likely to fight Assad’s Arab opposition, than to join it. They don’t want to be part of something else. They are not looking for integration.

That afternoon we visited the Dadgeh, the Kurdish court, a parallel system of justice in the 300-mile strip of northern Syria that locals now call “West Kurdistan.” It is one of three branches of the new government under an umbrella Syrian Kurds have named Tev-Dem or the Movement for Democratic Communities. The other two branches are the Parliament, which is still being implemented, and the Executive. The Executive is responsible for language, training, culture, labor, youth, and women’s groups. The Democratic Union Party and its armed militia, the YPG, are under the Executive.

http://www.imgbox.de/users/public/images/AK2ntvyL9v.jpg

Massoud Suleiman, one of the lawyers in the Dadgeh, told me that the 11-member court, which includes four women and a Christian, were chosen in a public election. Three judges are on duty each day, and the full panel assembles once a week. One of the judges, Abdul Raouf Haji, said they are volunteers, “But we hope to get paid in the future.” Under the new system, the Kurdish police have three days to file charges against a subject, or he must be released. Haji says the court has already ruled in several cases and currently has a murder suspect locked up in Derik.

By the end of my trip, Free Syrian Army rebels were closing in on Damascus, and there were growing fears that a desperate regime would resort to using its stockpile of chemical weapons. But in northern Syria along the borders of Turkey and Iraq, Kurds were taking their first halting steps toward autonomy. Some of it seemed familiar, a déjà vu moment from the early ’90s in Kurdish Iraq, the place some Kurds like to call “South Kurdistan.” For good or bad, that genie was out of the bottle in Syria. There seemed to be no turning back.

Kevin McKiernan is a journalist and filmmaker. He directed the PBS documentary Good Kurds, Bad Kurds and is the author of the book, The Kurds: A People in Search of Their Homeland (St. Martin’s Press, 2006).

Santa Barbara Independent

Kurdish sniper ( YPG) shoots Islamist terrorist/ Syria -Kurdistan

Nûçe Nr. 598

unter anderem mit:

Allein am Samstag 80 Festnahmen – auch Bürgermeister von Siirt betroffen
Erneute Festnahmewelle gegen kurdische Oppositionelle

Interview mit von der Aufhebung der Immunität
bedrohten Abgeordneten Nursel Aydogan
»Wir lassen uns dadurch nicht einschüchtern«

Westkurdistan: Plan zur Liquidierung der YPG

http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/isku/nuce/NUCE598-1214.pdf
oder
http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/isku/nuce/index.htm

ISKU

HUMAN RIGHTS FEDERATION OF TURKEY – FULL NOVEMBER REPORT

01 November 2012 – (11/001) Hunger strikes in prisons…

Pre-trial detainees and convicts from the PKK and PJAK cases launched a permanent and irreversible hunger strike in prisons on 12 September 2012 “for the constitution of Abdullah Öcalan’s health, security and freedom conditions in İmralı F Type High Security Prison and for the democratic rights of Kurdish people” (on 30 October 2012 the number of strikers was 663 as far as the human rights organisations could determine). The strike reached its 51st day on 1 November 2012.

122 persons were detained and 7 persons were arrested in the solidarity actions for the hunger strikes in many cities in particular in Diyarbakır, Batman, Van, Hakkâri on 30 October 2012. The Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) had called for the action.

Van, Hakkâri, Bitlis and Muş Chief Public Prosecution Office launched investigations against the BDP’s branches. Sub-commission for the prisons of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey’s (TBMM/GNAT) Human Rights Investigation Commission decided to visit the prisoners in Bolu F and T Type of Closed Prisons on 1 November 2012.

During his visit to Germany Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated that there was just one person on death fast in Turkey. “This is just a show. I’ve sent my minister to the prison and he monitored it on the spot. More than half of them have stopped their action. Hunger strikes can occur from time to time and our staff in the hospitals is in control of it. If necessary they will make the necessary interventions.”

The Minster of Justice, Sadullah Ergin, who was in Germany, too stated on the hunger strikes that 683 persons in 66 prisons were conducting hunger strikes.

In response to the statement of the Prime Minister the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) made a statement on the role of physicians during hunger strikes and stressed that the problem could not be solved using them. “Such an expectation does not correspond to the universal ethical values of our profession. The role of physicians during hunger strikes had been discussed repeatedly and was defined by decisions of the World Medical Association in Tokyo in 1975 and Malta in 1991.

According to these declarations there is the relationship of a patient to a doctor when a person is on hunger strike and this relationship continues, even of the patient does not accept certain treatments… (see the English Wikipedia on the Declaration of Tokyo and Malta Declaration of the WMA)

Çağlar Demirel, mayor of Derik district (Mardin) and imprisoned in Siirt E-type Prison started an unlimited and irreversible hunger strike on 30 October 2012.

Meanwhile prisoners in Şakran (Izmir) T-type and Kırıklar (Izmir) F-type Prison reportedly showed health problems such as loss of weight, dizziness, wounds in the mouth, burning of stomach, difficulty in speaking, bleeding of noses and pain of the eyes. Ziver Mete, on hunger strike in Şakran Prison since 3 October 2012 reportedly is in a bad stage and cannot get up.

Meanwhile two juvenile prisoners -H.D. and U.T.- in Şakran Prison for Juveniles are being been kept in solitary confinement. They commenced their strike on 15 October 2012.

Two pre-trial detainees/strikers in Tekirdağ F Type of Closed Prison set their unit on fire on 30 October 2012. They were reportedly affected by the smoke and treated as out-patients.

(mehr…)

Why Palestinians yes, Kurds no?

Can we not ask in the same vein, why Palestine should be a state and the Kurdistan Regional Government not?

At a conference I attended in the mid-1990s, I dared to compare the Kurdish national movement in Iraq with that of the Palestinians. The conference dealt with the changing political map of the Middle East against the background of the 1991 Gulf War, the Oslo Accords of 1993 between Israel and the Palestinians, and the burgeoning autonomies that were developing concurrently in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG ) and the newly established Palestinian Authority. At the time, both groups spoke of their peoples‘ right to self-determination, and it was only natural to pinpoint the similarities and differences between the two national movements. The comparison, however, caused an uproar among the participants, who were mostly Palestinians and other Arabs, with some even leaving the conference hall in protest.

Indeed, for many years, such a comparison was considered taboo, both because of a pro-Palestinian bias in the world and the unwillingness of the states where the Kurds lived to accord any legitimacy to their unique identity, let alone fulfill their right to self-determination. The international community, with its own vested interests, followed suit.

Today, though, one can reasonably ask if the time has not come to declare the taboo passe, and demonstrate that such a comparison is not far-fetched. In fact, any comparison would show clearly that the Kurds are no less – and perhaps even more – eligible for their own state.

To start with, the Kurds in general are an ancient nation who have lived in their homeland from time immemorial. They have a unique language, culture and identity, all of which differentiate them from their neighbors in the various lands where they live. Demographically speaking, the Kurds of Iraq today number more than five million – a sixth of the world’s total – compared to four million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

Historically speaking, their right to self-determination was proclaimed publicly by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson in his famous Fourteen Points speech of 1918, as well as in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres, though that remained a dead letter.

As with the Palestinians, the British were also deeply involved in the Kurdish case, post-World War I, with some British officials encouraging the establishment of a Kurdish state while others opposed it. Unluckily for the Kurds, the second group gained the upper hand, leaving those in Iraq to struggle for the rest of the 20th century to fulfill their right to self-determination.

Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, the achievements of the KRG in the realm of both nation building and state building have been much more impressive than those achieved by the PA during the same period. This is all the more striking if we consider the genocide perpetrated against them by Saddam Hussein in 1987-88. Yet, within a short while, the Kurds rose from the ashes to build an entity with all the trappings of a state: A working parliament, an effective government, strong security forces and a more or less functioning democracy.

The KRG has also become a model for many countries in the region, with its prosperous economy and thriving and cohesive society. The Kurds of Iraq also compare positively with the Palestinians in that they have rarely resorted to terrorist activities, and that political Islam has not set down roots among them.

According to the Montevideo Convention of 1933, to claim statehood a national entity should possess the following qualifications: a permanent population, a defined territory, a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. If we examine the status of the KRG, we can only conclude that it fulfills most of these criteria, certainly no less than the PA.

As to the criterion of permanent population, no one would contest the fact that the Kurds have been present in the region since at least the seventh century, and even established principalities beginning in the 16th century, although the last of these was defeated in the middle of the 19th century. To our best knowledge, no such Palestinian principality has ever existed.

The question of defined territory is common to both the Kurds and the Palestinians, but according to Prof. Ruth Lapidoth, an expert on international law and professor emeritus at the Hebrew University, the lack of definitively established borders need not be an impediment to statehood.

With regard to the third condition – the existence of an effective government with control over the population – there is no doubt that the KRG is much more effective than the PA on this score. Though it did lag behind the PA with regard to entering into relations with states, it has made good progress in this area in recent years. True, it has no representation in the United Nations or other international forums. This is not, however, for any lack of moral justification, but is part of the double standard encountered in international relations.

In a recent newspaper column, a Turkish analyst expressed disgust at the American pro-Israel bias and its alleged double standard with regard to the Palestinians. He posed the following question: „Why is Israel a state, but Palestine not?“ Can we not ask in the same vein, why Palestine should be a state and the Kurdistan Regional Government not?

Prof. Ofra Bengio is head of the Kurdish Studies Program at the Moshe Dayan Center at Tel Aviv University, and author of „The Kurds of Iraq: Building a State within a State.“

Haaretz

Anarşizm u Gerilla / Kurdi

SÊLA SOR – Sterk tv / VIDEO

Konuklar: Haydar Işık ve Ahmet Kahraman

Yayın Tarihi: 23.11.2012

Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal: Rundbrief Dezember 2012

hier kommen aktuelle Nachrichten aus der Free Mumia Bewegung. Am 9. Dezember
1981 schoss der Polizist Daniel Faulkner den afroamerikanischen Journalisten
Mumia Abu-Jamal auf offener Straße in Philadelphia nieder, nachdem er zuvor
bereits Mumias Bruder in einer rassistisch motivierten Kontrolle brutal zusammen
geschlagen hatte. Faulkner wurde darauf hin ebenfalls erschossen. Mumia
überlebte den Lungendurchschuss und wurde später beschuldigt, den Beamten
Faulkner ermordet zu haben, obwohl der Polizei bekannt war, dass der Tatverlauf
ein völlig anderer war. Zeugen wurden unter Druck gesetzt und z.T. erfolgreich
manipuliert, entlastende Beweise unterschlagen sowie andere frei erfunden. Im
Sommer 1982 überzeugte ein auf Verfassungsbrüche spezialisierter Staatsanwalt
zusammen mit einem politisch als äußerst rechts geltenden Richter die Jury,
Mumia Abu-Jamal zum Tode zu verurteilen. Bis heute hat sich keine Instanz der US
Justiz getraut, ein neues Verfahren einzuleiten.

Am 9. Dezember 2012 jährt sich nun Mumia Abu-Jamals Inhaftierung zum 31. Mal.
Vor knapp einem Jahr mussten die Behörden endgültig das Todesurteil gegen ihn
fallen lassen. Eine bereits Jahrzehnte anhaltende Solidaritätsbewegung hatte den
nötigen öffentlichen Druck aufbauen können, um diesen Justizmord zu verhindern.
In derselben Zeit wurden jedoch über 1200 weitere Gefangene in den USA
hingerichtet und Tausende aus politischen Gründen mit ähnlichen Methoden wie
Mumia inhaftiert. Derzeit sind in den USA knapp 2,5 Millionen Menschen
inhaftiert – die allermeisten aufgrund ihrer Hautfarbe und Armut, die sie zum
Ziel von Polizei- und Behördenwillkür macht.

Die Bemühungen und letztendlich die erfolgreiche Verhinderung der Hinrichtung
von Mumia Abu-Jamal haben die Todesstrafe in den USA insgesamt in Frage
gestellt. Die Durchsetzung der Freiheit von Mumia würde das Licht auf die
grundlegenden Probleme der Justiz und letztendlich der Gesellschaft werfen, die
natürlich auch in vielen anderen Ländern auf der Welt existieren: Rassismus und
Klassenjustiz.

In der BRD koordinieren sich verschiedene Gruppen und Einzelpersonen seit Herbst
2010 in einer Freilassungskampagne für Mumia Abu-Jamal:
www.freiheit-fuer-mumia.de Schaut bitte auf die Webseite und überlegt euch mal,
wie ihr diese Kampagne (regelmäßiger) unterstützen könnt.

Die Berliner Film- und Veranstaltungsreihe über Repression und Widerstand in den
USA hat bereits im November begonnen und wird im Dezember an drei weiteren
Abenden fortgesetzt. Die bisherigen Veranstaltungen waren gut besucht und
ergaben einen interessanten Austausch. Alle Details für die kommenden Abende
dieser Reihe findet ihr in der Terminauflistung weiter unten. Besonders haben
wir uns über Mumias Beitrag gefreut, der alle einlädt, an dieser Reihe
teilzunehmen:
http://www.freiheit-fuer-mumia.de/veranstaltungsreihelunte2012.htm

Silvester wird es in verschiedenen Städten Demonstrationen gegen Gefängnisse und
in Solidarität mit Gefangenen geben. Dafür haben wir unten einige Termine und
Links aufgeführt.

Im Januar 2013 wird uns Dan Berger aus den USA besuchen, um ausführlich über die
Masseninhaftierung und politische Gefangene in den USA zu berichten. Er wird in
Berlin, Stuttgart, Frankfurt Am Main und Hamburg reden. Die Gefangenen Mumia
Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli (BLA), David Gilbert (WU) und Oscar Lopez Rivera
(Puerto-Rikanische Befreiungsbewegung) werden eigenen Beiträge zum Thema
beisteuern. Alle Informationen zu den Vorträgen findet ihr hier
http://dragons.blogsport.de/

Free Mumia, Free Them All!

Zum weiteren Inhalt:

1.*** Meldungen aus der Free Mumia Bewegung
2.*** Termine
3.*** Resourcen
4.*** Presseauswahl (english)
5.*** Abschaffung der Todesstrafe – weltweit!
6.*** Solidarität mit Gefangenen
-------------------

1.*** Meldungen aus der Free Mumia Bewegung

Hülya Tage in Frankfurt Am Main (21.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/338285.shtml

Mumia meets with parents of Alan Blueford (15.11.2012 – engl)
http://www.workers.org/2012/11/15/mumia-meets-with-parents-of-alan-blueford/

Film- und Veranstaltungsreihe: Repression und Widerstand in den USA – Mumia
selbst hat eine Einladung für diese Reihe aufgenommen
http://www.dielunte.de/index.php?cat=Infos&page=Filmvorschau

Veranstaltungsaufruf für BRD-Rundreise mit Dan Berger zur Masseninhaftierung und
politischen Gefangenen in den USA
http://dragons.blogsport.de/2012/11/23/aufruf-zur-dan-berger-rundreise/

„Gesicht zeigen“ für Mumia (10.11.2012)
http://www.mumia-hoerbuch.de/mumiadeutsch.htm#gesichtzeigen

Solidarität für Mumia kostet eine Menge Geld – unterstützt die Bewegung und
tragt gleichzeitig die Forderung weiter – FREE MUMIA!
Soli-Merchendise http://www.mumia-hoerbuch.de/shop.htm

-------------------

2.*** Termine

Di. 4.12.2012, Berlin – 20:00 Lunte – Free Mumia! Politische Repression in den
USA
In dieser Woche jährt sich zum 31. Mal die Inhaftierung des afroamerikanischen
Journalisten Mumia Abu-Jamal, der wie kaum ein anderer Gefangener über die
Realität von Isolationshaft, Todesstrafe, Gefängnisindustrie, institutionellen
Rassismus und politische Repression in den USA publiziert hat. Er ist jedoch nur
einer von ca. 4000 politischen Gefangenen in einem Land, was offiziell
Meinungsfreiheit und Demokratie postuliert. In einem halbstündigen Überblick
möchte das Berliner Free Mumia Bündnis auf verschiedene politische
Langzeitgefangene und die Repression gegen die Bewegungen eingehen, aus denen
sie kommen.
anschließend der Film „Justice On Trial“ (USA 2010, OmU)
Lunte – Weisestr. 53 – 12049 Berlin Neukölln – U8-Boddinstr.

Fr. 7.12.2012 Amsterdam vor US Konsulat – 16:00
Kundgebung: Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal und alle politischen Gefangenen!
US Konsulat – Museumsplein – 1071 LN Amsterdam
Und ab 20 Uhr findet ein Solidaritätskonzert für die FREE MUMIA Kampagne statt:
Mit „Smiley“, „Ladies Jam“ und Reflexion“ – anschließend DJs
Valreep – Polderweg 620 – Amsterdam

Sa. 8.12.2012 Mexico City, vor der US Botschaft:
12:00 Pressekonferenz
12:30 Mumia Abu-Jamal und die Masseninhaftierung in den USA
mit Musik, Tanz, Kunst, Grußbotschaften, Videos, Infotische, Essen und Film ab
20:00
US Botschaft – Paseo de La Reforma 305 – Cuauhtémoc – 06500 Ciudad de México -
Distrito Federal – Mexiko
Di. 11.12.2012, Berlin – 20:00 Lunte – Todesstrafe – Staatsterrorismus zur
Einschüchterung der Bevölkerung:
Am 10. Dezember wird jährlich der Tag der Menschenrechte begangen, während nicht
wenige der teilnehmenden Regierungen sich noch immer Gefangene zu ermorden. Am
Beispiel der USA als letzter westlicher Demokratie möchte das Berliner Free
Mumia Bündnis genauer auf die juristischen und gesellschaftlichen
Voraussetzungen der Todesstrafe eingehen (Vortrag ca. 40 Minuten) – anschließend
der Film „Die letzten Worte der Frances Newton – Chronik einer Hinrichtung“
(BRD/USA 2006) Lunte – Weisestr. 53 – 12049 Berlin Neukölln – U8-Boddinstr.

Di 18.12.2012, Berlin – 20:00 Lunte – Free Leonard Peltier – indigener
politischer Widerstand in den USA:
Die nordamerikanische Urbevölkerung wurde in ca. 500 Jahren Kolonialisierung
beinahe vollständig umgebracht. Aktuell macht der Anteil Indigener an der
Bevölkerung der USA nicht mal einen Prozent aus – viele sind inhaftiert. Nach
dem Vorbild der Black Panther Party entwickelte sich jedoch in den frühen
1970igern entschlossener Widerstand, dem von Seiten der Behörden bis heute mit
Repression und Ignoranz begegnet wird. Eine ca. halbstündige Einführung vom
Berliner Free Mumia Bündnis.
anschließend Film „Incident At Oglala“ (USA 1992, deutsch)

Mi. 19.12.2012, Heidelberg – „In Prison My Whole Life“ – 19:00
Informationen und Film über Mumia Abu-Jamal
Eine Veranstaltung der Amnesty International Hochschulgruppe und lokalen Mumia
Unterstützer_innen
Karlstor-Kino – Am Karlstor 1 – 69117 Heidelberg

Mo. 31.12.2012 Anti-Knast-Demos
Berlin: 15:00 S-Bhf Frankfurter Allee zum Frauenknast Lichtenberg
22:45 U-Bhf Turmstr. Zum Knast in Moabit
weitere Infos http://silvesterzumknast.nostate.net/

Frankfurt Am Main:
18:00 Kundgebung an der JVA Preungesheim, Obere Kreuzäckerstraße – Linke
Geschichte verteidigen! Solidarität mit Sonja und Christian!
http://www.verdammtlangquer.org/2012/11/frankfurt-silvesterkundgebung-linke-geschichte-verteidigen-solidaritat-mit-sonja-und-christian/
In weiteren Städten laufen derzeit Vorbereitungen – achtet auf Ankündigungen

Sa. 12.01.2013 – Berlin – Urania – Rosa-Luxemburg-Konferenz ab 10:00
Dan Berger über politische Gefangene und Masseninhaftierung in den USA sowie
Beiträge von Gefangenen: Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli, David Gilbert, Oscar
Lopez Rivera und den Cuban 5
Urania – An der Urania 17 – 10787 Berlin – U-Wittenbergplatz
Weitere Infos: http://www.rosa-luxemburg-konferenz.de/

So., 13.01.2013 – Stuttgart – Linkes Zentrum Lilo Herrmann 19:00
Infoveranstaltung über politische Gefangene und Masseninhaftierung in den USA
mit Dan Berger und Beiträgen von Gefangenen: Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli,
David Gilbert und Oscar Lopez Rivera
Linkes Zentrum Lilo Herrmann – Böblinger Str. 105 – 70199 Stuttgart
Weitere Infos: http://dragons.blogsport.de/

Mo., 14.01.2013 – Frankfurt a.M. – Café Exess, 20:00
Infoveranstaltung über politische Gefangene und Masseninhaftierung in den USA
mit Dan Berger und Beiträgen von Gefangenen: Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli,
David Gilbert und Oscar Lopez Rivera
Café Exess – Leipziger Straße 91 – 60487 Frankfurt am Main
Weitere Infos: http://dragons.blogsport.de/

Di. 15.01.2013 – Hamburg – Centro Sociale 19:00
Infoveranstaltung über politische Gefangene und Masseninhaftierung in den USA
mit Dan Berger und Beiträgen von Gefangenen: Mumia Abu-Jamal, Sundiata Acoli,
David Gilbert und Oscar Lopez Rivera
Centro Sociale – Sternstraße 2 – 20357 Hamburg
Weitere Infos: http://dragons.blogsport.de/

-------------------

3.*** Resourcen

Es gibt noch einige Restbestände der vierteiligen Free Mumia Plakatserie über
politische Repression, Gefängnisindustrie, Todesstrafe und institutionellen
Rassismus. Ihr könnt diese Plakate gerne gegen eine Portospende bei uns
bestellen: http://www.freiheit-fuer-mumia.de/material.htm#plakatserie

Das KAOS Kunst- und Video-Archiv veröffentlichte 1996 den Film „Hinter diesen
Mauern – Mumia Abu-Jamal und der lange Kampf um Freiheit“. Online kann er hier
gesehen werden http://www.nrhz.de/flyer/beitrag.php?id=17307
Über das Kontaktformular von http://www.kaos-archiv.de/ kann der Film auch
ausgeliehen werden.

Für Interessierte gibt es hier Skripte aus der laufenden Veranstaltungsreihe in
Berlin:
- Afroamerikanische Geschichte und „Black Power“
http://www.mumia-hoerbuch.de/text/Afroamerikanische%20Geschichte%20in%20Nordamerika_Nov_12.pdf- die Gefängnisindustrie in den USA mit einem Ausblick auf die BRD
http://mumia-hoerbuch.de/text/Gefaengnisindustrie+USA+BRD_Nov_2012.pdf

-------------------

4.*** Presseauswahl (english)

(Al Jazeera) Justice on trial: The case of Mumia Abu-Jamal (08.11.2012 – engl)
Mumia’s case is a primer for understanding the relationship between racism and
the criminal justice system in the US:
“… For many, the case of the most famous prisoner in the world is a primer for
understanding the relationship between racism and the criminal justice system in
the US in the post-civil rights era…“
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/11/201211484134870241.html

(Final Call) French city stands-up for political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal
(05.11.2012 – engl)
http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/National_News_2/article_9324.shtml

(Philly Now) French dedication shows Mumia Abu-Jamal’s international support is
as strong as ever (22.10.2012 – engl)
http://blogs.philadelphiaweekly.com/phillynow/2012/10/22/french-dedication-shows-mumia-abu-jamal%E2%80%99s-international-support-is-as-strong-as-ever/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=french-dedication-shows-mumia-abu-jamal%25e2%2580%2599s-international-support-is-as-strong-as-ever

-------------------

5.*** Abschaffung der Todesstrafe – weltweit!

Larry Swearingen faces imminent execution in Texas for a crime that forensic
scientists say he could not have committed. His time is running out.
http://claimyourinnocence.wordpress.com/2012/11/15/justice-is-debatable-in-texas-death-penalty-case-larry-swearingen/

Why did death penalty repeal fail in California? (26.11.2012 – engl)
http://www.nodeathpenalty.org/why-did-death-penalty-repeal-fail-california

Preston Hughes vom texanischen Staat ermordet (16.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/337985.shtml

Türkei – Erdogan will Todesstrafe diskutieren (15.11.2012)
http://www.fr-online.de/politik/tuerkei-erdogan-will-todesstrafe-diskutieren-,1472596,20882290.htm

(Bln) Protest gegen Hinrichtung in Texas (14.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/337872.shtml

250th Texas prisoner executed under Rick Perry (01.11.2012 – engl)
http://www.salon.com/2012/11/01/250th_texas_prisoner_executed_under_rick_perry/

-------------------

6.*** Solidarität mit Gefangenen

Statement From Leonard Peltier for National Day of Mourning (21.11.2012 – engl)
http://www.mumia-hoerbuch.de/arn.htm#lpdayofmourning

(Video) Predatory prison system takes advantage of phone services (21.11.2012 –
engl)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=d7oNQzwm-p0#!

Pressemitteilung der Roten Hilfe e.V: zu dem Scuaprozess gegen Deniz K.
http://www.mumia-hoerbuch.de/text/Skandaloeses_Urteil_im_politischen_Schauprozess.pdf

[S] Spontandemo für die Freiheit von Deniz! (19.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/338236.shtml

Tod eines HIV-positiven Gefangenen (16.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/337976.shtml

Deniz K.: Urteilssprechung, Proteste, Sponti (14.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/337893.shtml

Colorado spending $208 million on empty solitary confinement prison (04.11.2012
– engl)
http://www.denverpost.com/news/ci_21924289/colorado-spending-208-million-empty-solitary-confinement-prison

Im Knast in Kolumbien – Ein Bericht von Miguel Ángel (4.11.2012)
http://de.indymedia.org/2012/11/337073.shtml

(Die Zeit) US-Wahl – Das Gefängnis macht sie zu Bürgern ohne Stimmrecht
(01.11.2012)
In den USA dürfen Millionen Häftlinge und ehemalige Insassen nicht wählen. In
einigen Swing States würden ihre Stimmen den Ausgang wesentlich beeinflussen.
http://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2012-11/usa-wahl-haeftlinge-wahlverbot

-------------------

Viele Grüße vom

Berliner Bündnis Freiheit für Mumia Abu-Jamal!
im HdD
Greifswalderstr.4
10405 Berlin
http://mumia-hoerbuch.de




kostenloser Counter
Poker Blog