#DefendAfrin #Rojava

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Milizen von der Türkei nach Syrien gebracht

Mit etwa 20 Bussen sind Angehörige Türkei-treuer Gruppierungen aus der Türkei nach Nordsyrien gebracht worden.

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Die Milizionäre waren zuvor in türkischen Ausbildungslagern in Kilis und Antep. Heute wurden sie mit Zivilfahrzeugen über den Grenzübergang in Kilis nach Ezaz in Syrien gebracht.

Der türkische Verteidigungsminister Nurettin Canikli erklärte unterdessen: „Die Efrîn-Operation hat begonnen.“

Die Türkei-treuen Gruppierungen sollen für Angriffe auf die Region Tel Rifat eingesetzt werden.

ANF

Türkisches Militär attackiert kurdische Kämpfer in Rojava

Erdogans riskantes Spiel mit Trump und Putin

Die Türkei beschießt eine Hochburg der kurdischen Miliz in Syrien, offiziell im Kampf gegen „Terroristen“. Doch die Miliz wird von den USA unterstützt, und im Zielgebiet sind auch russische Soldaten stationiert. Kommt es zur Invasion?

Seit Tagen zählen die Operationen des türkischen Militärs zu den Topnachrichten in staatlichen und regierungsfreundlichen Medien des Landes. Stündlich laufen in den Fernsehnachrichten Bilder von immer neuen Militärkonvois, die nahe der syrischen Grenze stationiert werden. Das Ziel: die Region um die syrische Stadt Afrin. Von dort hieß es am Freitag, es seien Dutzende Granaten eingeschlagen. Der türkische Verteidigungsminister Nurettin Canikli erklärte, der Beschuss sei der Beginn der Offensive auf Afrin.

Die türkische Armee bereitet sich auf eine Invasion dieser überwiegend von Kurden bewohnten Region Syriens vor. Sie steht unter der Kontrolle der YPG-Miliz, die die Türkei als Terrororganisation einstuft. Die YPG gilt als Ableger der Kurdischen Arbeiterpartei (PKK), die seit Jahrzehnten gegen die Zentralregierung in Ankara kämpft.

Die Feindschaft mit der syrischen YPG ist so alt wie der seit 2011 in dem Land tobende Bürgerkrieg und mittlerweile ein Teil der türkischen Staatsräson. Die Regierung in Ankara betrachtet die Präsenz der Miliz entlang der Grenze als „akute Bedrohung“.

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Am vergangenen Samstag hatte der türkische Präsident Recep Tayyip Erdogan der YPG bei einem Treffen seiner Regierungspartei eine Frist von einer Woche gesetzt. Dann müssten sie aus Afrin und Manbidsch, einer Stadt auf der Westseite des Euphrat, verschwunden sein. „Wenn sich die Terroristen nicht ergeben, werden wir sie zerstören“, kündigte Erdogan an. Es ist nicht das ersgte Mal, dass der Präsident propagandistisch mit dem Säbel rasselt. Meint er es diesmal ernst?

Sein Ultimatum läuft am Wochenende aus. Die große Frage ist, ob sich die Türkei auf ein militärisches Abenteuer einlassen und tatsächlich eine Bodenoffensive starten wird, statt nur von türkischem oder türkisch kontrolliertem Gebiet aus zu schießen. Denn ein Vormarsch auf Afrin könnte nicht nur in einem Blutbad enden, sondern auch zu schwerwiegenden internationalen Verwicklungen führen.

So hat nicht nur die YPG heftige Gegenwehr angekündigt und beschießt offenbar ihrerseits die Stadt Asas in einem Gebiet, das von türkeifreundlichen Rebellen kontrolliert wird. Auch Damaskus hat Widerstand angekündigt und gedroht, jedes türkische Flugzeug im syrischen Luftraum abzuschießen.

Zudem wird die YPG in Nordsyrien von den Vereinigten Staaten unterstützt – es könnte also zur indirekten Konfrontation der beiden Nato-Partner kommen. Und schließlich sind da noch Russland und der Iran, die beiden wichtigsten Verbündeten der syrischen Regierung, die damit ebenfalls zu militärischen Gegenspielern der Türkei würden.

Ankara sieht sich im Kampf gegen „Armee des Terrors“

Erdogan und seine Minister wirken dieser Tage entschlossener als sonst. Vielleicht sehen sie ihre letzte Chance, das zu tun, was sie seit Jahren angekündigt, aber nie verwirklicht haben – gegen die YPG vorzugehen. Bisher hatte die Türkei im Laufe des Bürgerkriegs ihre Position oft ändern müssen. So wandelte sich Ankara vom Unterstützter des syrischen Aufstands gegen Präsident Baschar al-Assad zu einem engen Partner des Iran und Russlands. Ausgerechnet mit den beiden wichtigsten Verbündeten des Assad-Regimes plant die Türkei nun die Zukunft Syriens, die vier Länder führen gemeinsame Gespräche.

Als Ankara im Jahr 2016 aus seiner ersten Invasion in Syrien einen „großen Feldzug“ machen wollte, wurde daraus ein Demütigung. Der Islamische Staat (IS) konnte zwar aus einem kleinen Gebiet und erst nach vielen Rückschlägen vertrieben werden. Aber gegen die verhassten Kurden richtete die Türkei, entgegen ihren Plänen, nichts aus. Russland und die USA verhinderten dies, lange bevor der Kampf gegen die YPG überhaupt beginnen konnte.

Heute scheint Ankara die Gunst der Stunde nutzen zu wollen. Anlass für die neue türkische Entschlossenheit ist der von den USA angekündigte Aufbau einer Grenztruppe in Nordsyrien. Ein Großteil der 30.000 Mann wird von der YPG gestellt, die Ankara prompt als „Armee des Terrors“ bezeichnete. Der amerikanische Außenminister Rex Tillerson versuchte zu beschwichtigen: „Wir schaffen keine Grenztruppe, sondern wollen eine Infiltration des IS verhindern.“

Die türkische Regierung beharrt dennoch auf ihrer Militäraktion. „Wir haben die USA informiert, dass wir in Afrin intervenieren werden“, versicherte Außenminister Mevlüt Cavusoglu. Bisher hält sich Washington gegenüber dem Nato-Partner überraschend zurück. Die Türkei solle von ihren Plänen in Afrin absehen und sich auf den Kampf gegen den IS konzentrieren, hieß es lapidar aus dem Weißen Haus.

Wie ernst es der Türkei ist, wurde auch deutlich, als sie am Donnerstag ihren Armee- sowie ihren Geheimdienstchef nach Moskau schickte. Beide wurden beim russischen Verteidigungsminister vorstellig, um grünes Licht für die Offensive auf Afrin zu bekommen. Besonders wichtig für die Türkei ist der Einsatz ihrer Luftwaffe, die ohne Genehmigung der Russen nicht fliegen kann. Über das Ergebnis der Gespräche ist nichts bekannt.

Von russischer Seite hieß es nur, das Treffen habe „in einem konstruktiven Ambiente über Sachverhalte von gemeinsamem Interesse stattgefunden“. Selbst Russland scheint eher gleichmütig zu reagieren. Dabei hat Moskau einige Hundert Soldaten und Militärberater in Afrin stationiert – ursprünglich als Abschreckung gegen türkische Angriffe. Ahmet Berat Conkar, Leiter der türkischen Delegation in der Nato, sagte am Freitag laut Nachrichtensender al-Dschasira, Moskau bereite die Verlegung russischer Truppen aus den Gegenden vor, wo es zu einem Zusammenstoß während des türkischen Angriffs kommen könnte.

Die Bundesregierung zeigte sich auffallend diplomatisch. „Wir erwarten, dass die Türkei weiterhin politisch und militärisch Zurückhaltung zeigt“, sagte ein Sprecher des Auswärtigen Amtes zwar. Zugleich sei aber klar, dass die Türkei legitime Sicherheitsinteressen entlang ihrer Grenze zu Syrien habe. Wichtig sei der Bundesregierung, dass der Fokus der türkischen Militäreinsätze auf dem Kampf gegen den IS und die Nachfolgeorganisation der Extremistengruppe al-Nusra liege.

Die Türkei steht mit dem Rücken zur Wand, da ihr Einfluss im Nachbarland immer geringer geworden ist. Seit Dezember läuft nun der Angriff der syrischen Armee auf die Rebellen in der Provinz Idlib und deren gleichnamiger Hauptstadt. Daran beteiligen sich, wie üblich, iranische Hilfstruppen und die russische Luftwaffe. Die Offensive auf die letzte große Hochburg der Opposition in Syrien kommt gut voran.

Die Türkei hat mehrfach gegen den Idlib-Feldzug protestiert, das sie durch den zu erwartenden Sieg der Assad-Allianz eine ihrer letzten Einflussspähren in Syrien verlieren würde: Die meisten der dort kämpfenden Rebellen bekommen nicht nur ihre Gehälter und Waffen von Ankara, sondern auch ihre Befehle.

In der Provinz Idlib ereignet sich bereits eine humanitäre Katastrophe. Allein im vergangenen Monat sind nach UN-Angaben 212.00 Menschen geflohen. Durch den Vormarsch auf Afrin könnten weitere Hunderttausende Flüchtlinge hinzukommen und das menschliche Elend vergrößern.

Bisher sollen in Afrin rund 10.000 YPG-Soldaten stationiert sein. Aber seit einigen Tagen trifft laufend neue Verstärkung ein. Die YPG ist eine disziplinierte und erfahrene Truppe, die weiß, wie man im Gelände und im Stadtgebiet kämpft. Die YPG hat den IS in Syrien besiegt und Rakka, die Hauptstadt des Kalifats, befreit. Die türkischen Truppen müssen sich deshalb auf hohe Verluste einstellen.

In Afrin gingen am Donnerstag Zehntausende Menschen auf die Straße, um gegen die mögliche Invasion der Türkei zu protestieren. „Afrin wird ein Friedhof für die Türkei“, skandierten die Demonstranten. Die dort etwa 20.000 Mitglieder umfassende jesidische Gemeinde gab eine Erklärung ab: „In den letzten Tagen wurden wir von türkischen Haubitzen und Artillerie beschossen. Wir haben Angst um unser Leben.“

Die Welt

Weapons of the islamic state

Children of Nusaybin speak of torture by Turkish soldiers

Children who were arrested by Turkish soldiers during Democratic Autonomy resistance in Nusaybin spoke of torture at the hand of Turkish soldiers in custody.

The trial of 67 people including 17 children who were arrested by Turkish soldiers in Mardin’s Nusaybin district during Democratic Autonomy resistance back in 2016 started at Mardin 4th Heavy Penal Court today. Eight of the children were brought to courtroom while nine children were forced to attend the trial via closed-circuit camera system (SEGBIS). Seven of the children refused to give their statements via SEGBIS.

One of the children, H.A. gave his statement to the court. He said that they had to stay in the basements during clashes and were captured by Turkish forces after they left the conflict zone. H.A. spoke about the torture in custody and said that he was forced to sign a statement written by the soldiers.

Another imprisoned child, H.E. said, “We, 25 children who were hiding at the basement surrendered. After we declared that we will surrender, the security forces who came to pick us made a video recording. They said that they would take us to our families but took us to another place instead. Soldiers who were lined eight by eight tortured us. They broke a stick on my back”.

Speaking at the courtroom N.A. told the judges about the torture and verbal abuse and said that they gave their statement to the prosecutor under pressure.

“When I told the prosecutor that I had been tortured, he told me: ‘Pray that you are not dead’” N.A. said.

N.A. told of the torture right after their capture: “When cameras were on or there were health workers around they were behaving good to us, saying that they are trying to help us But when the cameras were turned off they continued to torture us. They took me to another room. There were screams coming from the other part of the building. Two or three people attacked me in that room. They attempted to rape me”.

Another child D.A. also said that he had been sexually abused during the detention and rejected the accusations towards him.

Other children told of the same story and said that they were denied treatment by Turkish soldiers.

The judges denied the statements by the children and their lawyers and decided for the continuation of detention for all of the children. The hearing was adjourned to April 10.

ANF

Keine Gerechtigkeit für verletzte Kinder

In Şirnex wurden im vergangenen Jahr mehrere Kinder von Panzerfahrzeugen getötet oder verletzt. Die Prozesse kommen nicht ins Rollen.

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In den Fällen kurdischer Kinder in Şirnex, die von gepanzerten Fahrzeugen der türkischen Armee oder Polizei überfahren worden sind, bleibt die Justiz auf der Strecke. Alleine vier Kinder kamen im vergangenen Jahr nach Zusammenstößen mit Panzerfahrzeugen ums Leben. Weitere Kinder wurden zum Teil schwer verletzt.

Tatverdächtiger nach erster Anhörung entlassen

Ömer Yeğit, der im Prozess um den gewaltsamen Tod der Geschwister Furkan (6) und Muhammed (7) Yıldırım angeklagt war, wurde nach der ersten Anhörung am 17. Oktober 2017 aus der Haft entlassen. Furkan und Muhammed waren ums Leben gekommen, nachdem ein Panzerwagen gegen das elterliche Haus fuhr. Der zweite Verhandlungstag ist für kommenden Donnerstag angesetzt. Die Rechtsanwält*innen haben wenig Hoffnung.

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Auch in anderen Fällen handelt die Justiz nicht. Während in manchen Fällen nicht einmal Untersuchungen eingeleitet werden, kommt es in den Ermittlungen anderer Fälle nicht zu strafrechtlicher Verfolgung.

Behördliche Hindernisse tauchen nicht nur im Verwaltungsapparat der Staatsanwaltschaft auf. Vor Ort sollen Angehörige der Opfer von Beamten öffentlicher Einrichtungen unter Druck gesetzt worden sein, um sie über gewisse ‚Angebote‘ von der Beschwerde abzubringen.

Täter weiterhin im Dienst

Mehr als zwei Monate sind bereits vergangen, nachdem am 2. November 2017 in Sûr (Amed) ein Panzerfahrzeug die achtjährige Ruken Cansırı anfuhr und schwer verletzte. Nach Angaben von Faysal Cansırı, dem Onkel des Opfers, sei zwar die Aussage der Angehörigen aufgenommen worden, doch zu Ermittlungen gegen die Polizisten sei es nicht gekommen. Die Beamten seien weiterhin im Dienst.

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Kinder immer noch in Krankenhausbehandlung

Bei einem Vorfall am 30. November in Silopî wurde der Fuß der zehnjährigen Çiğdem Başak in einer automatischen Bodenschwelle der Polizei eingeklemmt. Die beiden Polizisten, die die Bodenschwellen aufstellten, sollen vom Dienst suspendiert worden sein, Anklage wurde jedoch nicht erhoben. Die Zehnjährige befindet sich weiterhin in medizinischer Behandlung in der Universitätsklinik Elazığ (Xarpêt). Kerem Başak, ein Bruder des verletzten Kindes, gab an, seine Schwester habe einen Seitenbandriss erlitten. Man werde weiterhin an einer Anzeige festhalten.

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Schwere Leber- und Hirnschäden bei Umut

Der vierjährige Umut Özalp spielte vor seinem elterlichen Haus in Hezex (Idil) in der Provinz Şirnex, als er am 17. Dezember von einem gepanzerten Polizeiwagen angefahren und schwer verletzt wurde. Das Kind befindet sich weiterhin im Krankenhaus in Batman. Nezir Başak, der Vater des verletzten Kindes, gab an, dass er nicht wisse, ob ein Verfahren gegen die Verantwortlichen eingeleitet wurde, da die Familie von der Staatsanwaltschaft nicht darüber informiert worden sei. Seit fast einem Monat warte man darauf, dass Umut aus dem Koma erwacht, so der Vater. [ anfdeutsch ]


Von Polizei schwerverletztes Kind weiter in Lebensgefahr

Umut spielte vor seinem Elternhaus in Hezex, als ihn ein türkisches Polizeifahrzeug überfuhr.

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Der am 17. Dezember von der Polizei in Hezex (Idil) in der Provinz Şirnex (Şırnak) von einem Polizeifahrzeug angefahrene vierjährige Umut Ö. schwebt weiterhin in Lebensgefahr. Das Kleinkind wurde erneut ins künstliche Koma versetzt und wird maschinell beatmet. Nach Angaben der Familie liegen bei Umut schwere Leber- und Hirnschäden vor. [ anfdeutsch ]

Umut ist aus dem Koma erwacht

Der vierjährige Umut ist vor sechs Tagen in Hezex (Idil) in der Provinz Şirnex (Şırnak) von einem Zivilfahrzeug der Polizei angefahren und schwer verletzt worden. Heute hat er im Krankenhaus das erste Mal seine Augen geöffnet.

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Umut spielte vor seinem Elternhaus in Hezex, als ihn vor sechs Tagen ein türkisches Polizeifahrzeug überfuhr. Er wurde in einem Privatkrankenhaus in Êlih (Batman) operiert und ist heute aus dem Koma erwacht. Sein Gesundheitszustand habe sich stabilisiert, wurde aus dem Krankenhaus mitgeteilt. [ anfdeutsch ]


Türkische Polizei verletzt vierjähriges Kind schwer

In Idil in der Provinz Şirnex fuhr ein Zivilfahrzeug der Polizei den vierjährigen Jungen Umut Ö. an und verletzte ihn schwer. Er schwebt weiter in Lebensgefahr.

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In Nordkurdistan häufen sich die Fälle, dass Zivilist*innen durch Polizeifahrzeuge getötet oder schwer verletzt. In Idil in der Provinz Şirnex (Şırnak) fuhr ein Zivilfahrzeug der Polizei den vierjährigen Jungen Umut Ö. an und verletzte ihn schwer. Er befindet sich mittlerweile in einer Spezialklinik in Êlih (Batman) auf der Intensivstation. Er schwebt immer noch in Lebensgefahr. [ anfdeutsch ]

Daesh’s desperate militants seek salvation in Turkey

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Many IS terrorists attempted to cross the border into Turkey to go to European countries or just to live in Turkey have been prevented by YPG’s Anti-Terror Units.

A large number of foreign IS members have been arrested in a recent comprehensive operation by Special Forces of People’s Protection Units (YPG). The terrorists, the majority of whom are Russian citizens, were trying to enter Turkey. According to the information provided by General Command of Anti-Terror Units over 20 IS terrorists have been arrested along with those guiding them while trying to go to Turkey, in last two weeks.

“Even though ISIS nears its end, there are many sleeper cells in many areas of Rojava. We are arresting them with various operations almost every day before these cells go into action. They are mostly foreigners.” Says Anti-Terror Units General Command.

“IS terrorists are Erdogan fans”

“All of them are Erdogan fans. They are clearly expressing it in their inquiry. They constantly voice the support by the Turkish state to IS. Terrorists wanted in their own country say that Turkey is the only country that they can move freely and organize IS-related activities easily in. We have found that some of them are prepared to carry out suicide attacks in European countries. Some others just flee to Turkey to live in there. They all prefer Turkey in the end.”

Turkish border guards: “Welcome to home!”

Many IS members who were arrested by YPG before New Year Eve have been found to be foreigners. From these, the information given by four terrorists who have been detained for about a week, clearly reveals some well-known facts.

Mohammed Abu al-Qadr, who joined IS in 2015, says he is originally from Tunisia but lived in Germany before joining IS. Mohammed Abu al-Qadr shares the following information: “I came to Turkey overland passing through Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria with an ambulance. In fact, Turkish border gates were always open to any of us (IS members). I was amazed when Turkish border guards welcomed me saying “This is your home, you are here to help us.”

“They helped us when they knew we were ISIS”#

Al-Qadir tells his story of going back to Turkey for the second time. “I went back to take my wife and children to Syria. They were in Istanbul then. The second time was a little bit harder than the first.”

“We receive weapons and medicine via Turkey”

Al-Qadir reveals some information about the relations established in various ways between Turkish state and IS’ so-called authorities: “There are a large number of Turks within the ranks of IS. Some of them were sent to Turkey to organize and arrange our relations with Turkey (state and security officials.) I know one of them very well. He is called Abu Ubaid al-Turki. He is one of the leaders of the group and lives in Turkey.

Vladimir Oleinikov, originally from Kazakhstan and Russian citizen, joined the group in 2016. Oleinikov has been active in many formerly IS-held areas such as Raqqa, Mayadeen and Bukamal. He defected from IS and decided to go live in Turkey, following the liberation of these areas: “There is nowhere to go but Turkey. We were going to use illegal ways to cross the border into Turkey. But they (Turkey) know our routes. We can go easily somehow.” Considering the difficulty of passing through the border line which has recently been closed with walls by Turkish state, it seems that the passages are supervised. Oleinikov therefore expresses his frustration with the Nusra front, not Turkish troops, while trying to cross the border: “The moment Al Nusra caught us they would kill us. But we were arrested by YPG in preparation for going to Turkey.”

Turkey is the most favorable country for IS remnants

30-years-old terrorist Abdulrazzaq (Nom de guerre) says he joined so-called Caliphate in Antep in 2015: “I was brought to Istanbul from Azerbaijan, and then to Anteb. We’ve had no problems during the trip. We had experienced couriers.”

Dozens of IS members who have been arrested mostly at border regions see salvation in Turkey in the course of collapse of the Caliphate. Militants who’d easily reached IS from all over the world via Turkey years ago, when the group emerged and started to rise effectively, intend to return in the same route. Terrorists who don’t want to be arrested in their own countries or be captured by another group see Turkey as the savior.

YPG Anti-Terror Units General Command stated that the operations will continue. It has been noted that many militants, especially those on the most wanted lists, have been caught trying to cross the border.


YPG Press Office
| January 6, 2018

French jihadi Thomas Barnouin: “I was trying to go to Turkey”

One of ISIS’ most sought jihadis in connection to the recruitment networks in European countries, IS propaganda and suicide attacks led to many civilian deaths, Thomas Barnouin was captured in a special operation carried out by YPG Anti-Terror Units recently.

It is known that Barnouin took part in planning and implementation stages of some terrorist attacks targeting civilians. It is believed that he is one of masterminds of 2012 Touluse attack, which killed seven people, and the 2015 Paris attack which caused 130 people to lose their lives.

YPG’s Anti-Terror Units General Command stated that they have arrested the terrorists as they were trying to cross the border into Turkey, in a village near the Rojava-Turkey border. The smuggler that guided them and 5 other terrorists all of whom are French have also been arrested. General Command revealed the ID information of the terrorists;

Thomas Barnouin (Abu Mohamed al-Fransi), 36

Kevin Gonot (Abu Sufyan al-Fransi), 32

Muhamed Megherbi (Abu Maymuna al-Fransi), 36

Romain Garner (Abu Salama al-Fransi), 31

Thomas Collange (Abu Hussain al-Fransi), 30

Najib Megherbi (Abu Sulaiman al-Jazaeeri), 35

Barnouin tells that he first came to Syria in 2005 but was taken into custody and handed over to France. Barnouin once again came to Syria to join ISIS, saying the trip through Turkey was very easy: “Those who arranged my trip to Syria had provided me with some relations in Turkey. I did not believe I could pass through Turkey so easily. I was arrested on terrorism charges in France, so I thought in Turkey that I would be arrested and sent back to France. But the trip was so easy that I was surprised. I first came to Istanbul and then to Antakya (also known as Hatay, a southern city of Turkey which is located on the border.) The smuggler took me to Latakia. It was so easy. In 2014 we were ordered to retreat from Latakia to Raqqa. We did this through Turkey then, without any problems. Barnouin, according to the information he gives, was in charge of propaganda and media affairs in Raqqa and administrated Shari’a schools. He went to Mayadeen when YPG-led Syrian Democratic Forces initiated the Great Battle to retake Raqqa. Barnouin says he was arrested by ISIS in Mayadeen and spent 105 days in jail: “When IS arrests someone, it does it without asking a single question. They don’t tell you what you are accused of. Then I understood that IS has nothing to do with Islam. IS had been established by old BAATHists and some intelligence services. They only fight for oil and money. Now the remaining fighters are realizing the fact and are seeking the ways to go out of it. There are very few people who think that ISIS is an Islamic organization. When I saw that I wanted to defect from them but I was arrested at the Turkish border.

Barnouin tells that so many fighters went to European countries to carry out suicide attacks so far, passing through Turkey: “Crossing the Turkish border is very easy when compared to others. So many people went to Europe. So far, many IS members have gone to Europe through Turkey. I have not heard about anyone crossed the Saudi or Jordanian border so far, but many people done that at the Turkish border. 90 percent of foreign militants of ISIS came to Syria via Turkey, now they want to flee through the same direction. …We thought that if we surrender to YPG we could be tortured and even be killed. We would surrender if we knew that YPG would treat us like this.”

Thomas Barnouin and those who were arrested along with him are blacklisted in so many countries in connection to the recruitment networks in European countries.

Anti-Terror Units General Command stated that the operations
are going on successfully. In last two weeks over 20 ISIS terrorists,
most of whom are from Tunisia, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey,
Albania, Germany, Sweden, France, England and some other European
countries have been arrested as attempting cross the Turkish border.



YPG Press Office
| January 10, 2018


Emilie Konig: „I‘m being investigated as if in my own country“

Emilie Konig, a French jihadist woman, spoke up on the allegations by French media outlets about her.

French media has been spreading news about Emilie Konig, a French jihadist woman captured by our forces, that she faced oppression and was tortured by YPG. Konig responded the claims.

Konig said that all her and her childrens’ basic needs were met during her stay in the Hol refugee camp: “Some women told me that I would be persecuted, tortured and oppressed in YPG camps. I was asked by YPG to answer only a few questions when I was brought to the Hol refugee camp and my photos were taken. All these did not take more than 2 hours. Then they gave a shelter for me and my children to stay in. I was not subjected to any ill-treatment. Later, when I was told that I would be brought to another camp, I was so scared. I thought that I was going to be tortured in there. I immediately found a phone, called my mother and said I was afraid of the “possibility of torture”. Then I realized that there is no such thing. All my and my childrens’ needs have been being met on a regular basis here. I did not have any problems during my investigation. The investigation is a normal process. It is hard to experience it this way. But it is just an ordinary investigation process that consisting of questions and answers. Nothing else.”

Emilie Konig was born in France in 1984 as the daughter of a father serving in the French army. After her first husband was arrested for drug trafficking, she decided to marry a man called Ibrahim, whom she met on the internet. Soon she takes a plane from Paris to Istanbul to join the so-called Islamic State. Konig crosses the border from Kilis, a southern city of Turkey, into Azaz and joins ISIS.

Emilie receives ideological and military courses short after she arrives in Syria. Emilie, who was forced marriage three times by IS, appeared calling Muslims to join the Caliphate in some propaganda videos that had been put online by ISIS.

Konig was arrested in a special operation carried out by YPG Anti-Terror Units on December 12, 2017. Konig is one of most wanted IS members in many European countries.

Konig’s speech in French:


YPG Press Office
| January 8, 2018

Roboski

Roboski, six years ago

On the night of 28 December 2011, Turkish Armed Forces‘ warplanes bombed an area on the border with Southern Kurdistan (Iraqi Kurdistan). The bombs killed 34 mostly young men on their way back from the Iraqi border they had crossed for „Border Trade“.

On the night of 28 December 2011, Turkish Armed Forces‘ warplanes bombed an area on the border with Southern Kurdistan (Iraqi Kurdistan). The bombs killed 34 mostly young men on their way back from the Iraqi border they had crossed for „Border Trade“ from the villages of Gülyazı (Bejuh) and Ortasu (Roboskî) in Şırnak’s (Şirnex) Uludere (Qileban) district.

The 34 victims were mostly belonging to the same families.

The villages of Roboskî and Bejuh were formed in 90’s, when scores of people who were driven away from their evacuated villages, settled here near their relatives after their own lands and villages were evacuated by security forces of the Turkish Republic State.

The Turkish state laid mines across the lands around villages, which claimed the life of five people and left more than 20 others cripple so far. It would be hard to estimate the number of animals killed in mine explosions.

What is called „trade border“, „caravan“, „boundary“ and what the state and its supporters call „smuggling“ is the only opportunity for the people there to earn their living. They do not call it „smuggling“ for the people here have never recognized the borders that relevant authorities imposed on them. They have been involved in „smuggling“ since the time of their grandfathers as they have always had families, relatives or fields in Iraq, on the „other side“ of the „border“. As a matter of fact, there is no physical border in question, at the borderline there is only a stone with number 15 carved on it.

On these „national“ lands, the remainder of an empire which expanded to three continents, people have been living social traumas beyond the empire’s habitat. People are living with the trauma of a history of big massacres from Armenian Genocide to Dersim Genocide, from events of 6-7 September to military coups, from Çorum and Mamak Massacres to Madımak Massacre, from the 28 February Massacre in the village of Zanqirt (Bilge) to that in the village of Roboski. That deplorable massacre which went down in history as „Roboski Massacre“ is a ring of this trauma chain.

In the evening of 28 December 2011, a group of people from the village went to do what they would normally do, „border trade“. They went as usual within the knowledge and sight of local military units which had already emptied all military sites in the region and smoothed the way for border traders one month before the massacre took place. According to Murat Karayılan, KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council President, the area where the bombardment was carried out, has never been used by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) since 1991 for the very smooth feature of the area.

On their way back from the border, the people in the group saw that soldiers had closed all three alternative ways to the village. They were subjected to a warning shot and artillery fire without being warned to stop. Ubeydullah Encü, father of 13 years-old Muhammed Encü who also lost his life that night, told that he had called the commander at the military post near the village and informed him that a group of people, including his child, was in the mentioned area. The commander told Encü that he knew about the people there and replied that they just fired a warning shot for intimidation. However, things didn‘t work that way and their children were targeted by the bombs of F-16 warplanes.

The villagers who rushed to the scene after the bombardment tell that 13 people were still alive and the bodies of others were still burning when they reached there. These people who on the way encountered soldiers returning from the region on order had to carry the wounded survivors with their own efforts as no officials went to the scene despite the fact that they had informed all authorities soon after the incident. Soldiers in the nearby military posts denied health care teams from Şırnak permission to go to the scene as the bodies of victims and the injured were being taken away from there. „We gathered the parts of their bodies and tried to take them to our village in the saddles of donkeys that survived the bombardment.“ All villagers who were there that day know that many of the wounded bled and/or freeze to death. 17 out of 34 victims were children aged under 18. Anyone who visits the village once can apparently see what sort of a trauma it has caused. The people in the village have been suffering from psychological depression since that day, six years ago.

This indisputably newsworthy tragic event was however not reported by the Turkish media for more than 12 hours, while some of the very few who wanted to report it were hindered by their directors. As state authorities started to make official statements on the massacre, the media resorted to euphemism and reported it under the title „incident near Iraqi border“. The debates in the following days didn‘t go beyond asking „whether the victims were smugglers or terrorists“ and „whether the incident was an accident, a negligence or a trap“.

The western side of Turkey’s society organized all night long new year celebrations three days later, as if there had been no massacre, while people in Roboski went through a sorrowful night after seeing the bodies of their beloved brothers and sons blown to pieces.

By extending thanks to the Chief of Defence and military command echelon for the „sensitivity they displayed“ after the massacre, the then Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan gave the sign of the attitude the state would have from then on.

According to the testimony of villagers, the Turkish authorities who didn‘t allow ambulances and helicopters to go to the scene on the night of the massacre sent a team to the scene one day later and made it gather all remains (parts of people’s and donkey’s bodies) in the area and set them on fire, obfuscated the evidences in other words. The Prosecutor who described the massacre as a mistake and promised not to arrest anyone had a team investigate the crime scene with a helicopter from the air and wrote on the reports that „they saw nothing“ at the scene.

The process progressed so imprecisely that even the names and numbers of victims were wrongly recorded on autopsy reports and therefore on the reports of Human Rights Organizations that grounded their information on these reports. Following a series of reporting works in the village soon after the incident, establishments such as MAZLUMDER, Human Rights Association (IHD), Diyarbakır Bar Association, Confederation of Public Workers‘ Union (KESK) and Justice Platform for Brotherhood (KİAP) agreed that the incident was indeed a „massacre“.

That night, as Ferhat Encü, brother of one of the victims and an MP for HDP, puts it: „The state became a bomb and rained on us from the air, making our children and relatives totally shocked about what was going on. The state which spilt out death and left us alone with our dead relatives furthermore uttered threats after the massacre and tried to prevent us from burying the victims side by side“. [ ANF ]

Stories of Roboski victims

The pain is still fresh in Roboskî and the smiles are still partial. The walls with photographs of the deceased are decorated as if to complete the lives that are lacking.

On December 28, 2011, 34 people from Roboskî and Bujeh villages in Şırnak’s Uludere district, 28 of them from the same family, were murdered by the bombs from Turkish jet fighters.

At the sixth anniversary of the massacre, the perpetrators are still left in the dark. At a time when deaths are reduced to mere numbers, we in the ANF would like to remind everyone of the people who were murdered in Roboskî and their stories.

ŞERAFETTİN ENCÜ

Şerafettin Encü was born in the green valley that is the embrace between Beyaztepe and Mount Düğün on a summer’s day. He is the eldest in a family of 7 children. Şerafettin grew up in poverty, and was orphaned when he lost his mother when he was 12. He did so well in school that his teachers were proud of him. He had dreams beyond his years. He wanted to be a teacher with many many students, or a principal for a village school with a playground. He wanted to raise new life. He was young but his dreams were as big as his heart. Şerafettin was the proud son of a poor family. He left his childhood behind and started dealing in border trade with his father to take care of his six brothers. The story of 18 years old Şerafettin, born on a summer’s day, ended on a smuggling route on a winter’s day. The snow turned red with the blood of Şerafettin the Orphan, one teenager among 34 people.

ŞİRVAN ENCÜ

Second of nine siblings, the first boy, Şirvan Encü was 19 years old. He loved sleep, so he wasn’t all that into school. He dreamed of being a truck driver like his father. He was the apple of his father’s eye, and was told constantly that “driving a truck is taking on long distances, you can’t do it if you love sleeping. You have to give up on your sleep or driving.” Şirvan gave up both. One morning when his father wasn’t home, he pushed hard and convinced his mother to go on the border trade with his cousin Nevzat. Şirvan had a soulful voice, and sang klams (ballad) to his companions all the way through. He was one of the 34 people massacred in that night with the white earth and the black skies. His mother says, “I still hear his voice in my head”.

FADIL ENCÜ

Newly turned 20, Fadıl Encü was the eldest in a family of 8 children. He lived a life of poverty with his family, so he took on the border trade to maybe enable the dreams of his 7 siblings. When his father was in the army, the family went through a hard time when he fell ill. Just for that, every time he left for work, he somberly said farewell to his mother and his family. The villagers described him as very humble and genial. He still had the football jersey on him from the football match they held among friends before going out for trade. He took the road with his friends Celal and Serhat, as if going to a wedding. In the pitch black night, the colors of his jersey disappeared. His 20 year old young body was so deformed that his father walked across his body four times before he recognized him.

VEDAT ENCÜ

His family lived abroad for a long time, but returned to Roboskî eventually because they wer too homesick. His father loved Vedat Aydın so much that he named him after him. Vedat was 17 and his favorite topic in school was math, he held on to math because his mother tongue isn’t recognized in schools – you don’t need language to solve math problems. He thought of himself as the doctor character in Apê Musa’s Brina Reş novel. The son of a poor but proud family, Vedat wanted to be a doctor just like the character in the book. He would go on to be a great man, and take care of his mother and siblings so well. He was murdered along with 34 people in that fateful night.

ORHAN ENCÜ

He was the youngest in a big, poor and grieving family. 13 year old Orhan was a joker, a cheerful boy and the source of joy in the home. He was very smart, so he started school early. He always had good grades. Ten months earlier, he had lost his mother. Orhan wanted to be a computer engineer and started going on border trade with his brother Zeydan to buy a computer. He loved nature and animals and kept a few puppies in the front yard of their home. His dogs ran to the field of death alongside his father when the news broke in the dark night. He and his brother Zeydan were two out of the 34.

ŞİVAN ENCÜ

Şivan Encü was orphaned at a young age. He searched for his mother’s scent in dreams for years. And then three years earlier, he found out his mother was alive and came to Roboskî to be with his mother and siblings. Şivan became the eldest male in a family with 4 children. He supported his family for three years, working as a shepherd, a porter, a digger, or a smuggler – whatever he could find. One day he came home after working the full day as a shepherd for 15 liras, tired and his hands, nose and ears frostbitten. Before he could rest, his cousin Berdan came: “Come on!” They took to the smuggling path. On their way back, bombs bigger than them were dropped on them.

ZEYDAN ENCÜ

Zeydan was a child of a big and poor family. He was only able to study until high school. He did all he could so his brother Orhan could study. He was a porter, a field hand and a smuggler. As if smuggling and poverty are fate for that land, he never was able to let go of the mule’s leash. He looked tough, and had the softest heart. Shortly after he returned from the army, he lost his sick mom. He took the smuggling path that night so his brother Orhan wouldn’t have to delay his dream of a computer any longer. All he wanted that night was to take his brother back home safe and lie down next to the roaring hearth. But he couldn’t – both brothers died under the bombs.

ÖZCAN UYSAL

Özcan was 19 and he was a fan of Ahmet Kaya. He loved the herbed cheese, the smuggled tea and all soulful strans. His cousin was to get married after the smuggling, he was preparing for that in his last days. He never returned from the border. Everybody who knew him knew he wanted to get married.

OSMAN KAPLAN

Osman got married in 1999, and had 3 boys and 2 girls between ages 5 and 11. He started going to the border in 2002. Every time he went, his wife Pakize and his children waited up for him. His 5-year-old still thinks he’s out in Şırnak, buying some things for the house. Pakize wasn’t told what happened at first. But when people couldn’t identify the bodies, they called her and asked what kind of clothes and shoes Osman was wearing that day. That was how Osman’s wife and children learned he was dead.

NADİR ALMA

Nadir was the second child of a family with 13 children. Their life was also one of poverty. Nadir always had the seat of honor at the family table. He was shy and simple. His best friend’s name was Hikmet. The two carried all the weight of the family. The only thing they could do in Roboskî was to go out smuggling.

That night the mules were once more loaded with poverty and hope. Nadir had two brothers in the army and they had no money. He needed pocket money for them, and some supplies for the home. Then it would be time for him to get married, like his mother wanted for so long. Held up by poverty and fatigue, his body fell on the snow like so many shooting stars.

SALİH ENCÜ

Salih was born in a family of 7. He was barely 18, he went to border so his two brothers could go to school. His family was also poor, like the others. Salih’s father had stepped on a mine 14 years ago, which left him disabled. His father’s medical bills and the family’s living costs in general were all Salih’s responsibility.

He had followed his 37 friends. They marched toward the 38 bombs together. They were caught in the light his friends spoke of together.

“Everybody’s fathers were there, except for mine. That was one time in the parent-teacher meeting in the school. I had forgotten that day, just like this day. My father had one leg, he couldn’t come all that way.”

SEYİTHAN ENÇ

Seyithan Enç was born in 1990. He used to do very well in school. He had gone to Istanbul to work, but couldn’t stay there too long and returned to his village. He had a girlfriend in the next village. When her family pushed that he complete his military service before they can get married, he left for the army. Seyithan meant to get married when he came back, but there was no money and no chance. Now, all that’s left of him are some kind words, one photograph, broken dreams and a mother and siblings all with their heads down.

MUHAMMED ENCÜ

Muhammed was the eldest son and the brother of 13 people. His family was also poor like the others.

He dreamed of becoming a vet. He loved the animals his father kept, especially the mules because they looked like horses. His biggest dream was to get a horse.

He was heartbroken when animals in the village injured themselves, and he did everything he could to treat them. He wanted to be a vet for the animals in the village, because he was affected deeply when they died of diseases in the winter.

CİHAN ENCÜ

Cihan was one out of the six boys in a family of 7 children. He was murdered 3 days before his birthday. He used to love school, but had had to quit before highschool.

There was a tumor in his father’s brain and it was getting worse. Hospitals, doctors, tests, drugs… went on for 3 years, he was unable to get out of bed in the last year of his life.

Cihan turned 15 without a father. Then he lost his mother in a traffic accident. Cihan was left an orphan, with his brothers and sister. Cihan was left fatherless at 15, motherless at 18, and he was buried before he turned 20.

SELMAN ENCÜ

Selman was the youngest of six siblings. He was orphaned in the womb and his troubles started early. From the day he came into the world, he felt the loss of his father in his heart.

Surviving the ’90s meant either migrating from Roboskî or staying and becoming a village guard. Migration was a thousand-fold anguish. Even worse for a family without a father. So they couldn’t go. They became village guards.

Selman’s first daughter Esra was born with a mental disability. Around the same time his wife fell ill, she could barely walk.

He had built a home for the family, and he had some debts. What happens to people there who have debts happened to him too, soon he was taking off for the border.

A disabled mother with a child in her lap, two children with mental disabilities, and 11 year old Ersin were left out in the cold after Selman Encü was murdered.

Ersin was in the 4th grade. He quit school after the incident, he kept on running back home.

MEHMET ALİ TOSUN

Mehmet Ali was born in 1987 in Roboskî’s sister village Gülyazı. He was the second among 11 children. Eleven siblings means eleven times the hope: If you fall short, there are ten others to cover up for you. After highschool, he couldn’t continue. He took to the border route to look after his family. Then the fateful day came. Mehmet Ali spoke on the phone with his father that day, he himself wasn’t home. He followed Nevzat, Şervan and Osman into his last journey.

ERKAN ENCÜ

Erkan’s father was a village guard, he stepped on a mine and lost both of his eyes. Erkan was only at the 7th grade. He dreamt of becoming a doctor to fix his father’s eyes.

They had a football team, they named it Kartal (Eagle) Sports. Their jerseys were black, red and white, newly made. Erkan had the number 4.

The money his father made from the state wasn’t enough. He used to insist for permission to go smuggling.

That night was Erkan’s second time smuggling, along with two of his uncles. One of them, Hüsnü who passed away longing for his unborn baby. The other uncle was Savaş, they were the same age. His mother made him wear two pairs of gloves so his hands wouldn’t get cold.

SAVAŞ ENCÜ

Savaş was one of 11 orphans. He was only just realizing he had been born in a war zone, and had hoped maybe he could change his name, which means “war” in Turkish, after the fate of these lands changed.

The poverty that killed so many dreams didn’t let Savaş go either. He had to quit school in 2010.

His brother Vahit had bought him a pair of gloves that day, so he wouldn’t be cold. He put them on and took the road following the 34. It’s not easy to go for the border in winter, especially when it’s snowy and muddy.

KARKER ENCÜ

Karker was a shepherd, an apprentice and a smuggler. What he has in common with the others is poverty. He left the village to work, but being away was too much for him and he returned home. He couldn’t return from the border he left for either. We don’t know much about him. But the mourning he left behind is heavy.

SELAHATTİN ENCÜ

He was one of the last to be buried. His story is also filled with poverty and suffering. He didn’t even have a photograph.

NEVZAT ENCÜ

19 year old Nevzat and his father bore the weight of a household on their shoulders.

He had one more year in school, then he was hoping to get into a good department in a good university. He wanted to learn a good profession to provide his family with a good life.

The weight of poverty and misery falls early on shoulders. Among the 34, there were those who should have listened to a bedtime story and slept. Five of them were 13 year old boys.

MAHSUN ENCÜ

Mahsun was one of the people who made a living out of the border, which was defined by a single stone.

He was 17. His dreams were also cut short. He wanted to be a doctor because there were no doctors in the village clinic.

BİLAL ENCÜ

Bilal was the eldest of 7 siblings. He was 16. He carried the weight of the household. Bilal’s father was blind, so he was everything to the family. He also wanted to be a doctor, because the closest doctor was 60 km from the village. He loved football and he played very well. He liked watering the saplings he planted in his garden. He spoke to his trees. He told them all of his secrets. When he left, one sack on his mule was filled with poverty and the other with hope.

HÜSNÜ ENCÜ

Hüsnü was one of those who made a living out of the border. He was born in 1981 as the 4th child of a family of 11 children. He was killed together with his brother. He left behind a family he used to take care of and his incomplete story.

SERHAT ENCÜ

Serhat was the third child in his family. He quit school after one year in highschool and supported his brothers in university. His mother never slept whenever he left for the border and waited for him to return. He went that day with his best friend Celal. The two best friends never returned from that trip.

CELAL ENCÜ

Celal was 12 years old. He was the youngest in a poor family of 6. He had lost his mother 5 years earlier. Due to the economic circumstances of his family, he could only study until the 8th grade, and then he started dealing in border trade to take care of his family. He loved playing football.

HÜSEYİN ENCÜ

Hüseyin was born in 1991. He was the eldest child in the family. As he was older than his siblings, he started working alongside his father. Even though he worked, he managed to finish high school. He took on all the responsibility so his brothers wouldn’t have to go smuggling. The whole household stood up to wait for him when he left for the border.

CEMAL ENCÜ

Cemal was born on a cold night in 1994. He was 17 when he was murdered. They were poor, so he started smuggling when he was in high school. He looked after his family and covered his expenses for the school. He went to the border that day to pay his debts to the school’s cafeteria. His mother couldn’t walk too well, but she ran to the spot when she heard the bombs.

SALİH ÜREK

Salih was only 16. He was one of the 34 who fought for his life for five hours and lost, in the dark of the night and the cold winter of the mountains. He was a senior in high school. He wanted to go to a university. He knew he had to study hard to return to his village as a doctor.

YÜKSEL ÜREK

His father was in an accident and wasn’t able to work, so Yüksel had to quit high school in his first year. He had a family of 8. He went to the border, come hell or high water, to look after his family. He was young, like the others. And he was poor, like the others.

BEDRAN ENCÜ

Bedran was the eldest in a family with 9 children. He was 13. He was in the 8th grade. He wanted to be a lawyer, but he was also aware of his family’s poverty and so he started smuggling to cover his expenses. He was with his cousin Şivan that night.

His father found a torn 20 lira bill and a piece of cake in his pockets. He looked for his son’s legs for days, but couldn’t find them.

ADEM ANT

Adem was the eldest child in a family of 12. Like the others, he shouldered all the weight. His father had had operations in both his eyes so Adem had to go smuggling.

He was engaged. He was to move to Şırnak centrum when he got married. He was planning on saving up and having a wedding in the summer. He had been shot in another trip to the border and his fiancee had forbidden him to go again, but the poverty forced him to.

SELAM ENCÜ

Selam was the eldest in the family. He was introverted and shy. He had an associate’s degree in construction and was studying to continue to civil engineering. When he asked for money for the application, his father told him to “wait a little”, which is how people of Roboskî say they don’t have it. He started going to the border for the exam fee. He was murdered before he turned 23.

ASLAN ENCÜ

Aslan’s brother who used to go to the border before him stepped on a mine and lost a limb, so Aslan had to take care of the 10 siblings. He was to take care of his family and renew his brother’s worn out prosthetic leg. He loved partridges. He was always telling his mother to give them enough water.

HAMZA ENCÜ

Hamza’s common trait with the others was poverty. He had started early, and was 24 years old. He couldn’t go to school, but he was trying hard so his brothers could study. His family received only one of his arms and one leg. His mother got back 10 kilos from her big and strong Hamza. 70 kilos of his body were scattered in the Roboskî mountains. His mother says her prayers to the mountains now.

YILMAZ ENCÜ

Yılmaz was a deputy operator, the chief dancer in weddings, and the most handsome in the village. He was 36. He was from Roboskî. Same time, same place: Border Stone No.15, 21:40. That was the exact place fire rained down on the 34. If justice had been served, the second Roboskî massacre wouldn’t have happened.

VEDAT ENCÜ

Vedat was the second among 10 children in his family. It was his second year in high school. He was also very poor. He used to play football really well, and dreamed of becoming a doctor for the doctorless clinic in the village. He took offense at the empty building. He dreamed of becoming a doctor from Roboskî and both inspire children to become doctors, lawyers, teachers and he would help them.

6 of his close relatives were murdered in the same place, at the same time on December 28, 2011. His teachers brought a trophy and medal he was supposed to receive from school to his wake, they had thought to give them to him along with his report card. [ ANF ]

VIDEO [ WARNING GRAPHIC VIDEO +21 ]

The Roboski Massacre

300 ISIS members are hiding out in Turkey

British The Times newspaper published an article that claims some 300 people who joined ISIS from the UK are hiding out in Turkey

British newspaper The Times has ISIS members hiding out in Turkey on its front page today. The article signed by Anthony Loyd, Michael Evans and Fiona Hamilton includes some striking information.

According to The Times, thousands of gang members have fled to Turkey after Raqqa and Mosul were liberated from ISIS. Some 300 of those who fled were ISIS members from the UK.

The article states that Western intelligence agencies are concerned about possible ISIS attacks.

The article bases the information on Rojava intelligence sources and British security sources.

The article states that there are many European citizens among ISIS members in detention centres and prisons, half of some 850 British citizens who headed out to join ISIS have returned and 130 of them have died.

ANF



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